Delphi Complete Works of Cornelius Nepos

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by Cornelius Nepos


  V. While these occurrences were passing, Artaxerxes, reflecting from how important a war, and to how inconsiderable an enterprize, he had sent the best of his generals, blamed himself for what he had done, and sent a messenger to the troops at Ace (not supposing that Datames had yet set out), to tell him not to quit the army. But before this messenger arrived at the place to which he was sent, he met upon the road the party that were leading Aspis.

  Though Datames, by this celerity, gained great favour from the king, he incurred no less dislike on the part of the courtiers, because they saw that he alone was more valued than all of them; and on this account they all conspired to ruin him. Pandates, the keeper of the king’s treasury, a friend to Datames, sent him an account of this state of things in writing, in which he told him that “he would be in great peril if any ill-success should fall out while he commanded in Egypt, for such was the practice of kings, that they attributed adverse occurrences to other men, but prosperous ones to their own good fortune; and hence it happened that they were easily inclined to the ruin of those under whose conduct affairs were said to have been ill-managed; and that he would be in so much the greater danger as he had those for his bitterest enemies to whom the king chiefly gave ear.” Datames, having read this letter, after he had arrived at the army at Ace, resolved, as he was aware that what was written was true, to leave the king’s service. He did nothing, however, that was unworthy of his honour; for he appointed Mandrocles of Magnesia to command the army, while he himself went off with his adherents into Cappadocia, and took possession of Paphlagonia, that bordered upon it, concealing what his feelings were towards the king. He then privately made a league with Ariobarzanes, raised a force, and assigned the fortified towns to be defended by his own troops.

  6. Sed haec propter hiemale tempus minus prospere procedebant. audit Pisidas quosdam copias adversus se parare. filium eo Arsidaeum cum exercitu mittit; cadit in proelio adulescens. proficiscitur eo pater non ita magna cum manu, celans, quantum vulnus accepisset, quod prius ad hostem pervenire cupiebat, quam de male re gesta fama ad suos perveniret, ne cognita filii morte animi debilitarentur militum. [2] quo contenderat, pervenit iisque locis castra ponit, ut neque circumiri multitudine adversariorum posset neque impediri, quominus ipse ad dimicandum manum haberet expeditam. [3] erat cum eo Mithrobarzanes, socer eius, praefectus equitum. is desperatis generi rebus ad hostes transfugit. id Datames ut audivit, sensit, si in turbam exisset ab homine tam necessario se relictum, futurum ut ceteri idem consilium sequerentur; [4] itaque in vulgus edit suo iussu Mithrobarzanem profectum pro perfuga, quo facilius receptus interficeret hostes: quare relinqui eum par non esse et omnes confestim sequi. quod si animo strenuo fecissent, futurum ut adversarii non possent resistere, cum et intra vallum et foris caederentur. [5] hac re probata exercitum educit, Mithrobarzanem persequitur, qui tantum quod ad hostes pervenerat, cum Datames signa inferri iubet. [6] Pisidae nova re commoti in opinionem adducuntur perfugas mala fide compositoque fecisse, ut recepti maiori essent calamitati. primum eos adoriuntur. illi cum, quid ageretur aut quare fieret, ignorarent, coacti sunt cum iis pugnare, ad quos transierant, ab iisque stare, quos reliquerant: quibus cum neutri parcerent, celeriter sunt concisi. [7] reliquos Pisidas resistentes Datames invadit: primo impetu pellit, fugientes persequitur, multos interficit, castra hostium capit. [8] tali consilio uno tempore et proditores perculit et hostes profligavit, et, quod ad perniciem suam fuerat cogitatum, id ad salutem convertit. quo neque acutius ullius imperatoris cogitatum neque celerius factum usquam legimus.

  VI. But these proceedings, from its being winter, went on with but little success. He heard that the Pisidians were raising some forces to oppose him, and sent his son Aridaeus with a detachment against them. The young man fell in battle, and the father marched away to the scene of his death with but a small number of followers, concealing how great a loss he had sustained, for he wished to reach the enemy before the report of his ill-success should become known to his men, lest the spirits of the soldiers should be depressed by hearing of the death of his son. He arrived at the spot to which he had directed his course, and pitched his camp in such a position that he could neither be surrounded by the superior number of the enemy, nor be hindered from keeping his forces always ready to engage. There was with him Mithrobarzanes, his father-in-law, commander of the cavalry, who, despairing of the state of his son-in-law’s affairs, went over to the enemy. When Datames heard this, he was sensible that if it should go abroad among the multitude that he was deserted by a man so intimately connected with him, it would happen that others would follow his example. He therefore spread a report throughout the camp that “Mithrobarzanes had gone off as a deserter by his direction, in order that, being received as such, he might the more easily spread destruction among the enemy. It was not right therefore,” he added, “that he should be left unsupported, but that they ought all to follow without delay, and, if they did so with spirit, the consequence would be that their foes would be unable to resist, as they would be cut to pieces within their ramparts and without.” This exhortation being well received, he led forth his troops, pursued Mithrobarzanes, and, almost at the moment that the latter was joining the enemy, gave orders for an attack. The Pisidians, surprised by this new movement, were led to believe that the deserters were acting with bad faith, and by arrangement with Datames, in order that, when received into the camp, they might do them the greater mischief; they therefore attacked them first. The deserters, as they knew not what was in agitation, or why it took place, were compelled to fight with those to whom they had deserted, and to act on the side of those whom they had quitted; and, as neither party spared them, they were quickly cut to pieces. Datames then set upon the rest of the Pisidians who offered resistance, repelled them at the first onset, pursued them as they fled, killed a great number of them, and captured their camp. By this stratagem he at once both cut off the traitors, and overthrew the enemy, and turned to his preservation what had been contrived for his destruction, We have nowhere read, on the part of any commander, any device more ingeniously conceived than this, or more promptly executed.

  7. Ab hoc tamen viro Sisinas, maximo natu filius, desciit ad regemque transiit et de defectione patris detulit. quo nuntio Artaxerxes commotus, quod intellegebat sibi cum viro forti ac strenuo negotium esse, qui et prius cogitare quam conari consuesset et, cum cogitasset, facere auderet, Autophrodatem in Cappadociam mittit. [2] hic ne intrare posset, saltum, in quo Ciliciae portae sunt sitae, Datames praeoccupare studuit. [3] sed tam subito copias contrahere non potuit. a qua re depulsus cum ea manu, quam contraxerat, locum delegit talem, ut neque circumiretur ab hostibus neque praeteriret adversarius, quin ancipitibus locis premeretur, et, si dimicare vellet, non multum obesse multitudo hostium suae paucitati posset.

  VII. Yet from such a man as this his eldest son Scismas deserted, and went over to the king, carrying intelligence of his father’s defection. Artaxerxes, being startled at this news (for he was aware that he should have to do with a brave and active man, who, when he had conceived a project, had courage to execute it, and was accustomed to think before he attempted to act), despatched Autophradates into Cappadocia. To prevent this general from entering the country, Datames endeavoured to be the first to secure a forest, in which the Gate of Cilicia is situate. But he was unable to collect his troops with sufficient expedition, and being obliged to desist from his attempt, he took up, with the force which he had got together, a position of such a nature, that he could neither be surrounded by the enemy, nor could the enemy pass beyond him without being incommoded by difficulties on both sides; while, if he wished to engage with them, the numbers of his opponents could not greatly damage his own smaller force.

  8. Haec etsi Autophrodates videbat, tamen statim maluit congredi quam cum tantis copiis refugere aut tam diu uno loco sedere. [2] habebat barbarorum equitum viginti, peditum centum milia, quos illi Cardacas appellant, eiusdemque generis tria milia funditorum, praeterea Cappadocum octo milia, Armeniorum decem milia, Paphlago
num quinque milia, Phrygum decem milia, Lydorum quinque milia, Aspendiorum et Pisidarum circiter tria milia, Cilicum duo milia, Captianorum totidem, ex Graecia conductorum tria milia, levis armaturae maximum numerum. [3] has adversus copias spes omnis consistebat Datami in se locique natura (namque huius partem non habebat vicesimam militum). quibus fretus conflixit adversariorumque multa milia concidit, cum de ipsius exercitu non amplius hominum mille cecidisset. quam ob causam postero die tropaeum posuit, quo loco pridie pugnatum erat. [4] hinc cum castra movisset semperque inferior copiis superior omnibus proeliis discederet, quod numquam manum consereret, nisi cum adversarios locorum angustiis clausisset, quod perito regionum [5] callideque cogitanti saepe accidebat, Autophrodates, cum bellum duci maiore regis calamitate quam adversariorum videret, pacem amicitiamque pristiam memorans eum hortatus est, ut cum rege in gratiam rediret. [6] quam ille etsi fidam non fore putabat, tamen condicionem accepit seque ad Artaxerxem legatos missurum dixit. sic bellum, quod rex adversus Datamen susceperat, sedatum est. Autophrodates in Phrygiam se recepit.

  VIII. Autophradates, though he was aware of these circumstances, yet thought it better to fight than to retreat with so large an army, or to continue inactive so long in one place. He had twenty thousand barbarian cavalry, a hundred thousand infantry, whom they call Cardaces, and three thousand slingers of the same class. He had besides eight thousand Cappadocians, ten thousand Armenians, five thousand Paphlagonians, ten thousand Phrygians, five thousand Lydians, about three thousand Aspendians and Pisidians, two thousand Cilicians, as many Captianians, three thousand hired men from Greece, and a very large number of light-armed troops. Against this force all Datames’s hopes rested on himself and the nature of his ground, for he had not the twentieth part of his enemy’s numbers. Trusting to himself and his position, therefore, he brought on a battle, and cut off many thousands of the enemy, while there fell of his own army not more than a thousand men; on which account he erected a trophy the next day on the spot where they had fought the day before. When he had moved his camp from thence, and always, though inferior in forces, came off victorious in every battle (for he never engaged but when he had confined his adversaries in some defile, an advantage which often happened to one acquainted with the ground and taking his measures with skill), Autophradates, seeing that the war was protracted with more loss to the king than to the enemy, exhorted Datames to peace and friendship, so that he might again be received into favour with the king. Datames, though he saw that peace would not be faithfully kept, nevertheless accepted the offer of it, and said that “he would send deputies to Artaxerxes.” Thus the war, which the king had undertaken against Datames, was ended; and Autophradates retired into Phrygia.

  9. At rex, quod implacabile odium in Datamen susceperat, postquam bello eum opprimi non posse animadvertit, insidiis interficere studuit: quas ille plerasque evitavit. [2] sicut, cum ei nuntiatum esset quosdam sibi insidiari, qui in amicorum erant numero (de quibus, quod inimici detulerant, neque credendum neque neglegendum putavit), experiri voluit, verum falsumne sibi esset relatum. [3] itaque eo profectus est, in quo itinere futuras insidias dixerant. sed elegit corpore ac statura simillimum sui eique vestitum suum dedit atque eo loco ire, quo ipse consuerat, iussit; ipse autem ornatu vestituque militari inter corporis custodes iter facere coepit. [4] at insidiatores, postquam in eum quem insederant locum agmen pervenit, decepti ordine atque vestitu impetum in eum faciunt, qui suppositus erat. praedixerat autem iis Datames, cum quibus iter faciebat, ut parati essent facere, quod ipsum vidissent. [5] ipse, ut concurrentes insidiatores animum advertit, tela in eos coniecit. hoc idem cum universi fecissent, priusquam pervenirent ad eum quem aggredi volebant, confixi conciderunt.

  IX. But the king, as he had conceived an implacable hatred to Datames, endeavoured, when he found that he could not be overcome in the field, to cut him off by underhand artifices; but most of these he eluded. For instance, when it was told him that some, who were reckoned in the number of his friends, were laying a plot for him (concerning whom, as their enemies were the informers, he thought that the intimation was neither entirely to be believed nor utterly disregarded), he resolved to make trial whether what had been told him was true or false. He accordingly went forward on the road on which they had stated that an ambush would be laid for him; but he selected a man closely resembling himself in person and stature, gave him his own attire, and ordered him to ride on in that part of the line where he himself had been accustomed to go, while Datames himself, in the equipments and dress of a common soldier, prepared to march among his own body-guard. The men in ambuscade, as soon as the party reached the spot where they were stationed, being deceived by the place and dress, made an assault upon him who had been substituted for Datames. But Datames had previously directed those among whom he was marching, to be ready to do what they should see him do. He, as soon as he saw the conspirators collecting in a body, hurled his darts among them, and, as all the rest did the same, they fell down dead before they could reach him whom they meant to attack.

  10. Hic tamen tam callidus vir extremo tempore captus est Mithridatis, Ariobarzanis filii, dolo. namque is pollicitus est regi se eum interfecturum, si rex permitteret, ut quodcumque vellet liceret impune facere, fidemque de ea re more Persarum dextra dedisset. [2] hanc ut accepit a rege missam, copias parat et absens amicitiam cum Datame facit, regis provincias vexat, castella expugnat, magnas praedas capit, quarum partim suis dispertit, partim ad Datamen mittit; pari modo complura castella ei tradit. [3] haec diu faciendo persuasit homini se infinitum adversus regem suscepisse bellum, cum nihilo magis, ne quam suspicionem illi praeberet insidiarum, neque colloquium eius petivit neque in conspectum venire studuit. sic absens amicitiam gerebat, ut non beneficiis mutuis, sed communi odio, quod erga regem susceperant, contineri viderentur.

  X. Yet this man, crafty as he was, was at last ensnared by a device of Mithridates, the son of Ariobarzanes; for Mithridates promised the king that he would kill Datames, if the king would allow him to do with impunity whatever he wished, and would give him a pledge to that effect with his right hand after the manner of the Persians. When he received this pledge sent him by the king, he prepared a force, and though at a distance, made a league with Datames, ravaged the king’s provinces, stormed his fortresses, and carried off a great quantity of spoil, part of which he divided among his men, and part he sent to Datames, putting into his hands, in like manner, many strong-holds. By pursuing this course for a long time, he made Datames believe that he had undertaken an everlasting war against the king, while notwithstanding (lest he should raise in him any suspicion of treachery), he neither sought a conference with him, nor showed any desire to come into his sight. Thus, though keeping at a distance, he maintained friendship with him; but so that they seemed to be bound to one another, not by mutual kindnesses, but by the common hatred which they had conceived towards the king.

  11. Id cum satis se confirmasse arbitratus esset, certiorem facit Datamen, tempus esse maiores res parari et bellum cum ipso rege suscipi, deque ea re, si ei videretur, quo loco vellet, in colloquium veniret. probata re colloquendi tempus sumitur locusque, quo conveniretur. [2] huc Mithridates cum uno, cui maxime habebat fidem, ante aliquot dies venit compluribusque locis separatim gladios obruit eaque loca diligenter notat. ipso autem colloquii die utrique, locum qui explorarent atque ipsos scrutarentur, mittunt; deinde ipsi sunt congressi. [3] hic cum aliquamdiu in colloquio fuissent et diversi discessissent iamque procul Datames abesset, Mithridates, priusquam ad suos perveniret, ne quam suspicionem pareret, in eundem locum revertitur atque ibi, ubi telum erat infossum, resedit, ut si lassitudine cuperet acquiescere, Datamenque revocavit, simulans se quiddam in colloquio esse oblitum. [4] interim telum, quod latebat, protulit nudatumque vagina veste texit ac Datami venienti ait, digredientem se animadvertisse locum quendam, qui erat in conspectu, ad castra ponenda esse idoneum. [5] quem cum digito demonstraret et ille respiceret, aversum ferro transfixit priusque, quam quisquam posset succurrere, interfecit. ita ille vir, qui multos cons
ilio, neminem perfidia ceperat, simulata captus est amicitia.

  XI. When he thought that he had sufficiently established this notion, he gave intimation to Datames that it was time for greater armies to be raised, and an attack to be made on the king himself; and that, with reference to this subject, he might, if he pleased, come to a conference with him in any place that he might choose. The proposal being accepted, a time was fixed for the conference, and a place in which they were to meet. To this spot Mithridates came some days previously, in company with a person in whom he had the greatest confidence, and buried swords in several different places, carefully marking each spot. On the day of the conference, each of them brought people to examine the place, and to search Datames and Mithridates themselves. They then met, and after they had spent some time in conference, and parted in different directions, and Datames was some distance off, Mithridates, before he went back to his attendants (lest he should excite any suspicion), returned to the same place, and sat down, as if he wished to rest from weariness, on one of the spots in which a sword had been concealed, and, at the same time, called back Datames, pretending that he had forgotten something at their conference. In the mean time he drew out the sword that was hid, and concealed it, unsheathed, under his garment, and observed to Datames, as he was returning, that he had noticed, when going off, that a certain place, which was in sight, was suitable for pitching a camp. While he was pointing this out with his finger, and the other was looking towards it, he ran him through, as his back was turned, with the sword, and put an end to his life before any one could come to his assistance. Thus a man who had gained the mastery over many by prudence, over none by treachery, was ensnared by pretended friendship.

 

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