XV. EPAMINONDAS
Remarks on the manners of the Greeks, I. Youth and manhood of Epaminondas, II. Excellencies of his character, III. An instance of his freedom from covetousness, IV. His ability in speaking, V. An instance of his power of persuasion; the battle of Leuctra, VI. His patriotism; his care for the army and its success, VII. Is brought to trial for retaining his command longer than the law allowed; his defence and acquittal, VIII. His death at Mantinea, IX. His apology for not marrying; his horror of civil bloodshed; the glory of Thebes, X.
1. Epaminondas, Polymnii filius, Thebanus. de hoc priusquam scribimus, haec praecipienda videntur lectoribus, ne alienos mores ad suos referant, neve ea, quae ipsis leviora sunt, pari modo apud ceteros fuisse arbitrentur. [2] scimus enim musicen nostris moribus abesse a principis persona, saltare vero etiam in vitiis poni: quae omnia apud Graecos et grata et laude digna ducuntur. [3] cum autem exprimere imaginem consuetudinis atque vitae velimus Epaminondae, nihil videmur debere praetermittere, quod pertineat ad eam declarandam. [4] quare dicemus primum de genere eius, deinde quibus disciplinis et a quibus sit eruditus, tum de moribus ingeniique facultatibus et si qua alia memoria digna erunt, postremo de rebus gestis, quae a plurimis animi anteponuntur virtutibus.
I. EPAMINONDAS was the son of Polymnis, and was born at Thebes. Before we proceed to write of him, the following caution seems necessary to be given to our readers; that they should not confound the customs of other nations with their own, or think that those things which appear unimportant to themselves must be equally so to others. We know that skill in music, according to our habits, is foreign to the character of any eminent personage; and that to dance is accounted disparaging to the character; while all such accomplishments among the Greeks are regarded both as pleasing and as worthy of admiration.
But as we wish to draw a correct picture of the habits and life of Epaminondas, we seem called upon to omit nothing that may tend to illustrate it. We shall therefore speak in the first place of his birth; we shall then show in what accomplishments, and by whom, he was instructed; next we shall touch upon his manners and intellectual endowments, and whatever other points in his character may deserve notice; and lastly on his great actions, which are more regarded by many than all the best qualities of the mind.
2. Natus igitur patre, quo diximus, genere honesto, pauper iam a maioribus relictus est, eruditus autem sic ut nemo Thebanus magis. nam et citharizare et cantare ad chordarum sonum doctus est a Dionysio, qui non minore fuit in musicis gloria quam Damon aut Lamprus, quorum pervulgata sunt nomina, cantare tibiis ab Olympiodoro, saltare a Calliphrone. [2] at philosophiae praeceptorem habuit Lysim Tarentinum, Pythagoreum: cui quidem sic fuit deditus, ut adulescens tristem ac severum senem omnibus aequalibus suis in familiaritate anteposuerit; neque prius eum a se dimisit, quam in doctrinis tanto antecessit condiscipulos, ut facile intellegi posset pari modo superaturum omnes in ceteris artibus. [3] atque haec ad nostram consuetudinem sunt levia et potius contemnenda; at in Graecia, utique olim, magnae laudi erant. [4] postquam ephebus est factus et palaestrae dare operam coepit, non tam magnitudini virium servivit quam velocitati: illam enim ad athletarum usum, hanc ad belli existimabat utilitatem pertinere. itaque exercebatur plurimum currendo et luctando ad eum finem, quoad stans complecti posset atque contendere. in armis vero plurimum studii consumebat.
II. He was the son, then, of the father whom we named, and was of an honourable family, though left poor by his ancestors; but he was so well educated that no Theban was more so; for he was taught to play upon the harp, and to sing to the sound of its strings, by Dionysius, who was held in no less honour among musicians than Damon or Lamprus, whose names are well known; to play on the flutes by Olympiodorus; and to dance by Calliphron. For his instructor in philosophy he had Lysis of Tarentum, a Pythagorean, to whom he was so devoted that, young as he was, he preferred the society of a grave and austere old man before that of all those of his own age; nor did he part with him until he so far excelled his fellow students in learning, that it might easily be perceived he would in like manner excel them all in other pursuits. These acquirements, according to our habits, are trifling, and rather to be despised; but in Greece, at least in former times, they were a great subject for praise. After he grew up, and began to apply himself to gymnastic exercises, he studied not so much to increase the strength, as the agility, of his body; for he thought that strength suited the purposes of wrestlers, but that agility conduced to excellence in war. He used to exercise himself very much, therefore, in running and wrestling, as long as he could grapple, and contend standing, with his adversary. But he spent most of his labour on martial exercises.
3. Ad hanc corporis firmitatem plura etiam animi bona accesserant. erat enim modestus, prudens, gravis, temporibus sapienter utens, peritus belli, fortis manu, animo maximo, adeo veritatis diligens, ut ne ioco quidem mentiretur. [2] idem continens, clemens patiensque admirandum in modum, non solum populi, sed etiam amicorum ferens iniurias, in primis commissa celans, quodque interdum non minus prodest quam diserte dicere, studiosus audiendi: ex hoc enim facillime disci arbitrabatur. [3] itaque cum in circulum venisset, in quo aut de re publica disputaretur aut de philosophia sermo haberetur, numquam inde prius discessit, quam ad finem sermo esset adductus. [4] paupertatem adeo facile perpessus est, ut de re publica nihil praeter gloriam ceperit. amicorum in se tuendo caruit facultatibus, fide ad alios sublevandos saepe sic usus est, ut iudicari possit omnia ei cum amicis fuisse communia. [5] nam cum aut civium suorum aliquis ab hostibus esset captus aut virgo nubilis propter paupertatem collocari non posset, amicorum concilium habebat et, quantum quisque daret, pro facultatibus imperabat. [6] eamque summam cum fecerat, potius quam ipse acciperet pecuniam, adducebat eum, qui quaerebat, ad eos, qui conferebant, eique ut ipsi numerarent faciebat, ut ille, ad quem ea res perveniebat, sciret quantum cuique deberet.
III. To the strength of body thus acquired were added many good qualities of the mind; for he was modest, prudent, grave, wisely availing himself of opportunities, skilled in war, brave in action, and possessed of remarkable courage; he was so great a lover of truth, that he would not tell a falsehood even in jest; he was also master of his passions, gentle in disposition, and patient to a wonderful degree, submitting to wrong, not only from the people, but from his own friends; he was a remarkable keeper of secrets, a quality which is sometimes not less serviceable than to speak eloquently; and he was an attentive listener to others, because he thought that by this means knowledge was most easily acquired. Whenever he came into a company, therefore, in which a discussion was going on concerning government, or a conversation was being held on any point of philosophy, he never went away till the discourse was brought to its conclusion. He bore poverty so easily, that he received nothing from the state but glory. He did not avail himself of the means of his friends to maintain himself; but he often used his credit to relieve others, to such a degree that it might be thought all things were in common between him and his friends; for when any one of his countrymen had been taken by the enemy, or when the marriageable daughter of a friend could not be married for want of fortune, he used to call a council of his friends, and to prescribe how much each should give according to his means; and when he had made up the sum required, he brought the man who wanted it to those who contributed, and made them pay it to the person himself, in order that he, into whose hands the sum passed, might know to whom he was indebted, and how much to each.
4. Tentata autem eius est abstinentia a Diomedonte Cyziceno: namque is rogatu Artaxerxis regis Epaminondam pecunia corrumpendum susceperat. hic magno cum pondere auri Thebas venit et Micythum adulescentulum, quem tum Epaminondas plurimum diligebat, quinque talentis ad suam perduxit voluntatem. Micythus Epaminondam convenit et causam adventus Diomedontis ostendit. [2] at ille Diomedonti coram ‘nihil’ inquit ‘opus pecunia est: nam si rex ea vult, quae Thebanis sunt utilia, gratiis facere sum paratus, sin autem contraria, non habet auri atque argenti satis. namque orbis terrarum divitias accipere nolo pro patriae
caritate. [3] tu quod me incognitum tentasti tuique similem existimasti, non miror tibique ignosco; sed egredere propere, ne alios corrumpas, cum me non potueris. et tu, Micythe, argentum huic redde, aut, nisi id confestim facis, ego te tradam magistratui.’ [4] hunc Diomedon cum rogaret, ut tuto exire suaque, quae attulerat, liceret efferre, ‘istud quidem’ inquit ‘faciam, neque tua causa, sed mea, ne, si tibi sit pecunia adempta, aliquis dicat id ad me ereptum pervenisse, quod delatum accipere noluissem.’ [5] a quo cum quaesisset, quo se deduci vellet, et ille Athenas dixisset, praesidium dedit, ut tuto perveniret. neque vero id satis habuit, sed etiam, ut inviolatus in navem escenderet, per Chabriam Atheniensem, de quo supra mentionem fecimus, effecit. [6] abstinentiae erit hoc satis testimonium. plurima quidem proferre possumus, sed modus adhibendus est, quoniam uno hoc volumine vitam excellentium virorum complurium concludere constituimus, quorum res separatim multis milibus versuum complures scriptores ante nos explicarunt.
IV. His indifference to money was put to the proof by Diomedon of Cyzicus; for he, at the request of Artaxerxes, had undertaken to bribe Epaminondas. He accordingly came to Thebes with a large sum in gold, and, by a present of five talents, brought over Micythus, a young man for whom Epaminondas had then a great affection, to further his views. Micythus went to Epaminondas, and told him the cause of Diomedon’s coming. But Epaminondas, in the presence of Diomedon, said to him, “There is no need of money in the matter; for if what the king desires is for the good of the Thebans, I am ready to do it for nothing; but if otherwise, he has not gold and silver enough to move me, for I would not accept the riches of the whole world in exchange for my love for my country. At you, who have made trial of me without knowing my character, and have thought me like yourself, I do not wonder; and I forgive you: but quit the city at once, lest you should corrupt others though you have been unable to corrupt me. You, Mycithus, give Diomedon his money back; or, unless you do so immediately, I shall give you up to the magistrates.” Diomedon entreating that he might be allowed to depart in safety, and carry away with him what he had brought, “That,” he replied, “I will grant you, and not for your sake, but for my own, lest any one, if your money should be taken from you, should say that what I would not receive when offered me, had come into my possession after being taken out of yours.” Epaminondas then asking Diomedon “whither he wished to be conducted,” and Diomedon having answered, “To Athens,” he gave him a guard in order that he might reach that city in safety. Nor did he, indeed, think that precaution sufficient, but also arranged, with the aid of Chabrias the Athenian, of whom we have spoken above, that he should embark without molestation. Of his freedom from covetousness this will be a sufficient proof. We might indeed produce a great number; but brevity must be studied, as we have resolved to comprise, in this single volume, the lives of several eminent men, whose biographies many writers before us have related at great length.
5. Fuit etiam disertus, ut nemo ei Thebanus par esset eloquentia, neque minus concinnus in brevitate respondendi quam in perpetua oratione ornatus. [2] habuit obtrectatorem Menecliden quendam, indidem Thebis, et adversarium in administranda re publica, satis exercitatum in dicendo, ut Thebanum scilicet: namque illi genti plus inest virium quam ingenii. [3] is quod in re militari florere Epaminondam videbat, hortari solebat Thebanos, ut pacem bello anteferrent, ne illius imperatoris opera desideraretur. huic ille ‘fallis’ inquit ‘verbo cives tuos, quod eos a bello avocas: otii enim nomine servitutem concilias. [4] nam paritur pax bello. itaque qui ea diutina volunt frui, bello exercitati esse debent. quare si principes Graeciae vultis esse, castris est vobis utendum, non palaestra.’ [5] idem ille Meneclides cum huic obiceret, quod liberos non haberet neque uxorem duxisset, maximeque insolentiam, quod sibi Agamemnonis belli gloriam videretur consecutus: at ille ‘desine,’ inquit ‘Meneclida, de uxore mihi exprobrare: nam nullius in ista re minus uti consilio volo.’ (habebat enim Meneclides suspicionem adulterii.) [6] ‘quod autem me Agamemnonem aemulari putas, falleris. namque ille cum universa Graecia vix decem annis unam cepit urbem, ego contra ea una urbe nostra dieque uno totam Graeciam Lacedaemoniis fugatis liberavi.’
V. He was also an able speaker, so that no Theban was a match for him in eloquence; nor was his language less pointed in brief replies than elegant in a continued speech. He had for a traducer, and opponent in managing the government, a certain Meneclidas, also a native of Thebes, a man well skilled in speaking, at least for a Theban, for in that people is found more vigour of body than of mind. He, seeing that Epaminondas was distinguished in military affairs, used to advise the Thebans to prefer peace to war, in order that his services as a general might not be required. Epaminondas in consequence said to him, “You deceive your countrymen with words, in dissuading them from war, since under the name of peace you are bringing upon them slavery; for peace is procured by war, and they, accordingly, who would enjoy it long, ought to be trained to war. If therefore, my countrymen, you wish to be leaders of Greece, you must devote yourselves to the camp, not to the palaestra.” When this Meneclidas also upbraided him with having no children, and with not having taken a wife, and, above all, with presumption in thinking that he had acquired the glory of Agamemnon in war, “Forbear,” he rejoined, “Meneclidas, to reproach me with regard to a wife, for I would take nobody’s advice on that subject less willingly than yours;” (for Meneclidas lay under a suspicion of making too free with other men’s wives;) “and as to supposing that I am emulous of Agamemnon, you are mistaken; for he, with the support of all Greece, hardly took one city in ten years; I, on the contrary with the force of this one city of ours, and in one day, delivered all Greece by defeating the Lacedaemonians.”
6. Idem cum in conventum venisset Arcadum, petens ut societatem cum Thebanis et Argivis facerent, contraque Callistratus, Atheniensium legatus, qui eloquentia omnes eo praestabat tempore, postularet ut potius amicitiam sequerentur Atticorum, et in oratione sua multa invectus esset in Thebanos et Argivos in eisque hoc posuisset, [2] animum advertere debere Arcades, quales utraque civitas cives procreasset, ex quibus de ceteris possent iudicare: Argivos enim fuisse Orestem et Alcmeonem matricidas, Thebis Oedipum natum, qui, cum patrem suum interfecisset, ex matre liberos procreasset: [3] huic in respondendo Epaminondas, cum de ceteris perorasset, postquam ad illa duo opprobria pervenit, admirari se dixit stultitiam rhetoris Attici, qui non animadverterit, innocentes illos natos domi, scelere admisso cum patria essent expulsi, receptos esse ab Atheniensibus. [4] sed maxime eius eloquentia eluxit Spartae legati ante pugnam Leuctricam. quo cum omnium sociorum convenissent legati, coram frequentissimo legationum conventu sic Lacedaemoniorum tyrannidem coarguit, ut non minus illa oratione opes eorum concusserit quam Leuctrica pugna. tum enim perfecit, quod post apparuit, ut auxilio Lacedaemonii sociorum privarentur.
VI. When Epaminondas went to the public assembly of the Arcadians, to request them to join in alliance with the Thebans and Argives, and Callistratus, the ambassador from the Athenians, who excelled all men of that day in eloquence, begged of them, on the other hand, rather to unite in alliance with Athens, and uttered many invectives against the Thebans and Argives, and among them made this remark, “that the Arcadians ought to observe what sort of citizens each city had produced, from whom they might form a judgment of the rest; for that Orestes and Alcmaeon, murderers of their mothers, were Argives, and that Oedipus, who, when he had killed his father, had children by his mother, was born at Thebes.” Upon this, Epaminondas, in his reply, when he had done speaking as to other points, and had come to those two grounds of reproach, said that “he wondered at the simplicity of the Athenian rhetorician, who did not consider that those persons, to whom he had alluded, were born innocent, and that, after having been guilty of crimes at home, and having in consequence been banished from their country, they had been received by the Athenians.”
But his eloquence shone most at Sparta (when he was ambassador before the battle of Leuctra), where, when the ambassadors from all the allies had met, Epaminondas, in a full assembly of th
e embassies, so clearly exposed the tyranny of the Lacedaemonians, that he shook their power by that speech not less than by the battle of Leuctra; for he was at that time the cause (as it afterwards appeared) that they were deprived of the support of their allies.
7. Fuisse patientem suorumque iniurias ferentem civium, quod se patriae irasci nefas esse duceret, haec sunt testimonia. cum eum propter invidiam cives sui praeficere exercitui noluissent duxque esset delectus belli imperitus, cuius errore res eo esset deducta, ut omnes de salute pertimescerent, quod locorum angustiis clausi ab hostibus obsidebantur, desiderari coepta est Epaminondae diligentia: erat enim ibi privatus numero militis. [2] a quo cum peterent opem, nullam adhibuit memoriam contumeliae et exercitum obsidione liberatum domum reduxit incolumem. [3] nec vero hoc semel fecit, sed saepius. maxime autem fuit illustre, cum in Peloponnesum exercitum duxisset adversus Lacedaemonios haberetque collegas duos, quorum alter erat Pelopidas, vir fortis ac strenuus. hi cum criminibus adversariorum omnes in invidiam venissent ob eamque rem imperium iis esset abrogatum atque in eorum locum alii praetores successissent, [4] Epaminondas populi scito non paruit idemque ut facerent persuasit collegis et bellum, quod susceperat, gessit. namque animadvertebat, nisi id fecisset, totum exercitum propter praetorum imprudentiam inscitiamque belli periturum. [5] lex erat Thebis, quae morte multabat, si quis imperium diutius retinuisset, quam lege praefinitum foret. hanc Epaminondas cum rei publicae conservandae causa latam videret, ad perniciem civitatis conferri noluit et quattuor mensibus diutius, quam populus iusserat, gessit imperium.
Delphi Complete Works of Cornelius Nepos Page 42