The Fall of the Kingdom of Punjab

by Khushwant Singh

  The British did not find it too difficult to get round the ministers. Their jagirs were confirmed, two leading Sardars, Sher Singh Attariwala, whose sister was engaged to the young Maharajah, and Tej Singh were handsomely rewarded—the former being made a deodhidar and the latter a Raja. A charade was enacted at Lahore. The English garrison packed up and made noisy preparations to leave; the ministers made an earnest appeal for it to stay; and the British Government reluctantly acceded to the request. The garrison returned to their barracks and unpacked their kit.

  The Second Treaty of Lahore—16th December 1946

  Lord Hardinge required the Treaty of Lahore of March 1846 to be amended to incorporate the changes. In so doing he desired that it be made clear that apart from paying for the upkeep of the British force (which the Durbar was doing already), the Durbar should agree that during the minority of Dalip Singh (till he was sixteen on 4th September 1854), the British Government undertook ‘the maintenance of an administration, and the protection of the Maharajah Duleep Singh during the minority of His Highness.’ The Resident was given full authority over all matters in every department of the State and the Governor-General was ‘at liberty to occupy with British soldiers such positions as he may think fit, for the security of the capital, for the protection of the Maharajah, and the preservation of the peace of the country’.

  It is important to bear in mind that by the Second Treaty of Lahore (which is also known as the Treaty of Bhairowal because Hardinge ratified it in his camp at Bhairowal), the Resident became the Governor of the Punjab and was quite independent of the Council of Regency of eight ministers. This was clearly stated by Lord Hardinge: ‘It is politic that the Resident should carry the Native Council with him, the members of which are, however, entirely under his control and guidance; he can change them and appoint others, and in military affairs his power is unlimited as in the civil administration; he can withdraw Sikh garrisons, replacing them by British troops, in any and every part of the Punjab. In all our measures taken during the minority we must bear in mind that by the Treaty of Lahore, March 1846, the Punjab never was intended to be an independent State. By the clause I added, the Chief of the State can neither make war nor peace nor exchange nor sell an acre of territory, nor admit an European Officer, nor refuse us thoroughfare through his territories, nor, in fact, perform any act (except its own internal administration) without our permission. In fact, the native Prince is in fetters, and under our protection, and must do our bidding.’

  The Treaty of Bhairowal also deprived Rani Jindan of all power; she was pensioned off with an annuity of Rs 1½ lakhs.

  Even from the seclusion of the zenana, Jindan made her influence felt. Since all the adult male members of the royal family were dead and Dalip Singh was an infant, the protective instinct of the masses began to be projected on the widow. Jindan began to acquire a sort of heroic mysticity. She was the Queen Mother woefully wronged by the ferinighi. The Resident decided to get her out of his way.

  The first attempt to get rid of Jindan was made in February 1847. A certain Prema was charged with the design to assassinate the British Resident and Tej Singh on the festival of Basant Panchmi. Prema was on visiting terms with a clerk of Jindan and it was suggested that the Maharani was an accessory to the plot. The evidence submitted was meagre and Hardinge advised the Resident not to pursue the matter against Jindan. He wrote: ‘I do not consider that Her Highness ought to be held responsible for acts of interference of her confidential Secretary in communication with Prema, the chief conspirator in the plot to kill Tej Singh. The evidence is inconclusive, and I have rejected it.’ Nevertheless, he encouraged the Resident to try other means of removing Jindan. He wrote: ‘If we could get rid of her, it would give the little boy a better chance of being educated.’

  The second move against Jindan was as clumsy as the first but the Resident secured the Governor-General’s approval for it. He called a Durbar on 7th August 1847 and asked Dalip Singh to confer titles on fifteen Sardars who had rendered meritorious services to the British; heading the list was the name of the traitor Tej Singh. When Tej Singh went up to the throne to receive the honour, the Maharajah joined the palms of his hands and refused to put the saffron mark on the Sardar’s forehead. ‘His Highness shrunk back into his velvet chair, with a determination foreign both to his age and gentle disposition,’ wrote Henry Lawrence to his Government. The Resident saw the invisible hand of the Queen Mother behind the episode and two days later announced Jindan’s banishment. In August, the Maharani was removed from Lahore because the Governor-General, who, in his own words, had ‘the interests of a father in the education and guardianship of the young Prince, felt it had become absolutely necessary to separate the Maharajah from the Maharani, his mother’.

  Jindan’s allowance was reduced to less than one-third of the original (Rs. 48,000 per year) and she was put under house arrest in the fort of Sheikhupura. The Maharani echoed the sentiments of the people when she wrote to Henry Lawrence: ‘Surely, royalty was never treated in the way you are treating us! Instead of being secretly King of the country, why don’t you declare yourself so? You talk about friendship and then put us in prison. You establish traitors in Lahore, and then at their bidding you are going to kill the whole of the Punjab.’

  Chapter 10

  Bhai Maharaj Singh and the Banishment of Jindan

  One year of the Resident’s rule convinced the Punjabis that the British would take over the rest of the country as soon as they had consolidated their earlier conquest. A sense of resentment began to grow and soon focused itself round a peasant leader, Maharaj Singh of the village of Rabbon near Ludhiana. Maharaj Singh had been associated with Bhai Bir Singh and was present when the Bhai fell in the skirmish with the Durbar troops in 1844. Maharaj Singh succeeded to Bir Singh’s vicarage at Naurangabad and soon became as influential with the Sikh peasantry and nobility of the Majha, Doaba and Malwa, as his predecessor. He came to be known as the Guru. Amongst the people who came under Maharaj Singh’s religious and political influence was Rani Jindan and some of the Sardars of the court. The Bhai addressed large meetings of peasants in different parts of Central Punjab exhorting them to unite for the defence of their country. He rescued the name of Rani Jindan from the low level to which it had been reduced by bazar gossip and elevated it to the status of the Mother of the Khalsa. The British Resident was quick to sense that the Bhai’s propaganda would jeopardise his Government’s plans to annex the Punjab and issued warrants for his arrest. The Bhai eluded the police and wherever he appeared, large crowds gathered to hear him speak. The Resident felt that the next best he could do was to find some excuse for removing Rani Jindan who had become the symbol of Punjabi resurgence.

  In May 1848, a conspiracy to tamper with the loyalty of native soldiers was unearthed. After a summary trial, three men were hanged and one sentenced to transportation for life. The Resident was of the opinion that Jindan was deeply implicated in the conspiracy and despite the admission that ‘legal proof of the delinquency of the Maharani would not perhaps be obtainable,’ and the knowledge that the entire Council of Regency was strongly opposed to his point of view, ordered her deportation from the Punjab. Jindan’s baggage was subjected to a thorough search but nothing incriminating was found in it. The officers who carried out the order of search, arrest and deportation stripped the Maharani of ‘several pataras containing jewels of great value’. She was taken to Benares under a heavy armed escort and her allowance was once again reduced to Rs. 12,000 a year.

  The treatment accorded to Jindan outraged the sentiments of the people. They had almost forgotten her existence in Sheikhupura; her influence, wrote Edwardes, ‘had followed her power, and there was no longer a man found in the Punjab who would shoulder a musket at her bidding.’ That influence was suddenly revived by the Resident’s action. A week after the deportation, the Resident wrote to the Governor-General that: ‘The Khalsa soldiery on hearing of the removal of the Maharani was much disturbed: they said
that she was Mother of the Khalsa and that as she was gone and the young Dalip Singh is in our hands they had no longer anyone to fight for and uphold . . .’

  Even Dost Mahommed, Amir of Afghanistan, expressed himself in sympathy with the people of the Punjab. In a letter to Captain Abbott, Dost Mahommed wrote: ‘There can be no doubt that the Sikhs are daily becoming more and more discontented. Some have been dismissed from service, while others have been banished to Hindostan, in particular the mother of Maharajah Duleep Singh, who has been imprisoned and ill-treated. Such treatment is considered objectionable by all creeds, and both high and low prefer death.’

  These statements were made in the context of an incident that occurred in Multan a month earlier and threatened to convulse the Punjab.

  The district of Multan had been farmed by Dewan Sawan Mal Chopra, an extremely good administrator, until his murder in 1844. Sawan Mal left five sons, of whom the eldest, Mulraj, had administered Jhang and his younger brother, Karam Narain, had been in charge of Leiah. Of these three members of the family the only one who did not enjoy a high reputation was Mulraj. It was a common saying amongst the people that while Multan had been blessed with monsoon showers (sawan) and Leiah with karam (grace), Jhang had been afflicted with the corn weevil (mula). Mulraj was ‘rich, in inferior health and without children, timid, unpopular with the army and people’. Nevertheless, Mulraj or Mula, as he was commonly known, was appointed to succeed his father and was ordered to pay Rs. 30 lakhs as succession fee. The turmoil at Lahore in the years 1844 and 1845 followed by the Sutlej wars and the British occupation of Lahore encouraged Mulraj to withold payment. When the Acting Resident took over the Durbar affairs, he accepted a representation of the Dewan and reduced the sum payable to Rs. 20 lakhs but at the same time took away the district of Jhang, north of the Ravi, which formed a third of Mulraj’s estate. He also raised the revenue of what remained with Mulraj by more than a third for the next three years: he was asked to pay Rs. 19,68,000 for the territory for which his father had paid only Rs. 13,74,000. The Dewan accepted these conditions but soon found himself unable to raise the money because the excise duty on goods transported by river, which formed a substantial part of his income, was abolished by a fiat of the Resident. The Resident also assumed appellate powers on decisions made by Mulraj. The Resident was advised by Mulraj’s enemy, Raja Lal Singh, who was further instigated by Karam Narain, who had fallen out with his brother and had taken up residence in Lahore. For these reasons, the Dewan put in his resignation in December 1847. He was persuaded to continue in his post till March 1848 by which time the winter harvest would be gathered in.

  Mulraj’s resignation gave the British an excellent opportunity to extend their hold on a large portion of independent Punjab. Appearances had however to be kept up. A Punjabi officer, Kahan Singh Man, was appointed to replace Mulraj. With the Sardar were sent two British officers, Vans Agnew of the Civil Service and Lt. Anderson of the European Fusiliers, who was an Oriental scholar, and having worked under Napier, knew Sindh and the Multan region well. The Englishmen were to be the real administrators of the Province. With the British officers and Kahan Singh Man was sent a force of fourteen hundred Durbar troops, a Gurkha regiment of infantry, seven hundred cavalry and one hundred artillerymen with six guns. The Englishmen went down by river; Kahan Singh marched with the troops.

  Mulraj had resigned of his own free will. When his replacement arrived, he called on the officers to welcome them on their arrival at Multan and invited them to take over the fort. On 19th April the British officers inspected the fort and were formally presented with the keys of the gates. They installed companies of Gurkha infantry in the fort and dismissed the Multani garrison. Mulraj was escorting the visitors to the gate when a Multani, Amir Chand, infuriated by an order to salaam the Sahibs who had thrown him and thousands of his fellow soldiers out of employment, lunged at Vans Agnew with his spear and pierced his side. Vans Agnew lashed out at the man with his riding crop. Kahan Singh Man and Mulraj’s brother-in-law, Ram Rang, rushed to Vans Agnew’s assistance. In the scuffle that followed between the Multanis (both Hindu and Muslim) and the British party, Lt. Anderson and a few others were wounded. Mulraj rode back to the fort to his residence, Amm Khas, to get help and sent a message to the British camp deploring the incident and promising to come over to see the injured men. Vans Agnew acknowledged Mulraj’s letter exonerating the Dewan from complicity in the incident. He forwarded a report of the occurrence to the Resident at Lahore, stating clearly, ‘I don’t think Mulraj has anything to do with it. I was riding with him when we were attacked,’ and sent an urgent message to Lt. Edwardes at Dera Fateh Khan and General Van Cortlandt, a Eurasian Officer in the Durbar’s employ at Dera Ismail Khan, to come to his help. Meanwhile, Multani troops broke out in open revolt and forbade Mulraj from going to the British camp or handing over Multan to them. He tried to force his way through an angry crowd but was pushed back. Ram Rang, who was with him, tried to browbeat the mob. ‘Namak haram,’ yelled the soldiers at Ram Rang. A scuffle ensued. A sepoy drew his sword and cut Ram Rang three times. Mulraj’s horse reared and threw its master.

  A pamphlet issued by the rebellious soldiers described the subsequent events in the following words:

  ‘The soldiers then carried him (Mulraj) and Rung Ram off to their quarters, where they told them that it was the Guru’s order to expel the feringhees by force. The Dewan would not consent that day. On the following morning, by God’s will, the guns were fired, and the Guru ordered us to advance; for so it has been written in the Guru’s writings. Upon this we obeyed his injunctions, and joining the Multanis, killed the feringhees.’

  The Multanis swore to fight the British. The Pathans took their oath on the Koran, the Hindus on the Shastras and the Sikhs on the Granth. In the evening, they looted the British camp, carrying off all the provisions and pack animals—camels, bullocks and elephants. It is said, with what accuracy it is hard to tell, that the captured provisions included whisky, brandy, beer and hermetically sealed cans of meat and fish. A council was held to examine the goods. The whisky and brandy were retained; the beer rejected as maila pani (dirty water). After much deliberation it was opined by the wise counsellors that the lead tins could be nothing but shrapnel. Consequently next morning the guns of Multan fort opened fire on the Idgah and pelted the Durbar camp which had no food left, with shrimp, crab, fish and other delicacies.

  The Durbar troops went over and joined the Multanis, leaving only Kahan Singh and a small escort of a dozen men and the Sahib’s personal staff to defend the Sahibs.

  On the evening of 20th April, the Multanis mobbed the Idgah. One Godar Singh, a Mazhabi Nihang Sikh, ‘so deformed and crippled with old wounds that he looked more like an imp than a mortal man’, came up to Vans Agnew, abused him and asked, ‘Why have you come to Multan?’ The Englishman did not reply, whereupon, the Nihang drew his kirpan and yelled: ‘You become a Sikh or I will cut off your head.’

  ‘I am a servant of Maharajah Dalip Singh,’ pleaded Vans Agnew. ‘Behold the hair on my head. What good will you do by killing me?’

  Godar Singh roared, ‘Boley So Nihal, Sat Sri Akal.’ He slashed Vans Agnew across the chest, caught the the Englishman by the hair and hacked off his head. A Pathan companion of the Nihang fired into the lifeless body. Somebody picked up Vans Agnew’s head and threw it into Kahan Singh Man’s lap with the taunt: ‘Take the skull of the launda—lad—’you brought down to govern Multan.’ The Sardar burst into tears.

  The mob then turned on Anderson and hacked him to bits. The rebels called on Mulraj and ordered him to become their leader. Mulraj consulted his mother. She told him that it did not behove a man to seek the counsel of women in such matters. She also reminded him that his father, the great Sawan Mal, had spent lakhs of rupees in strengthening the fort to be ready for an eventuality like one they were facing. This decided the ‘chicken-hearted’ Mulraj, who was notorious for his timidity, to become the leader of the rebellion. He reward
ed Godar Singh with money and gave him Vans Agnew’s bay horse and pistol. Godar Singh rode out in triumph. He rubbed powder into the dead man’s hair and whiskers, thrust it in the mouth and nostrils and set fire to it. Thereafter the Multanis kicked the severed head about like a football, urinated and spat on it, shouting with glee, ‘Look at the man who came to give us orders.’ The city was illuminated at night. Godar Singh rode about brandishing his sword. When he met a clerk of the English party he shouted: ‘Munshi, I will kill all your Europeans as far as Calcutta.’

  The people of the neighbouring regions came to join Mulraj’s colours. The Sikh troops issued an appeal to their co-religionists:

  ‘Now we, in accordance with the Guru’s command, have written to all of you, our Khalsa brethren. Those of you who are true and sincere Sikhs, will come to us here. You will receive pay, and will be received honourably in the Durbar of the Guru.

  ‘The Maharajah Duleep will, by the Guru’s grace, be firmly established in his kingdom; the cow and the Brahmin will be protected and our holy religion will prosper.

  ‘All believing Sikhs, who trust in the Guru will place confidence in our words, and joining us, be received by the Guru and all his omissions and misdeeds will be pardoned by the Guru and his five pyaras.

  ‘Forward copies of this manifesto to all our Sikh brethren, and delay not; for those who spread this intelligence will meet with the approbation of the Guru.

  ‘You know that all are mortal; whoever therefore, as becomes a sincerely believing Sikh, devotes his life to the service of the Guru, will obtain fame and reputation in this world.

  ‘The Maharajah and his mother are in sorrow and affliction. By engaging in their cause, you will obtain their favour and support. Khalsaji! gird up your loins under the protection of the Guru and Guru Gobind Singh will preserve your honour. Make much of a few words. Dated 12th Baisakh 1905 (22nd April 1848).’