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The Accidental Public Servant

Page 22

by El-Rufai, Nasir


  We also lost other opportunities particularly in the public sector for the same reason of "not playing

  ball". It is a double-edged sword, but we chose what makes us sleep well at night!

  In government, I began learning that there were a couple of twists on this dynamic. Firstly, word got

  around much quicker – as I said, as soon as people heard, there were not many more overt attempts.

  Secondly, this did not mean there were not more attempts, period. The attempts to coerce and

  compromise an honest official would take on different forms, some of which I will discuss shortly.

  Thirdly, there is outright bribery which became rare, and then there are covert methods of gaming the

  system to one’s advantage. Fourthly, there is the meta-statement of what this all means. Some of my

  friends in the West have asked me or suggested that perhaps what sets Nigeria, Africa, or the

  developing world apart is that so-called corruption has come to be viewed as a sort of ‘tolerated

  ugliness’, but I do not think this is really accurate. I just think it has gotten to a point, particularly in

  the last few years, that only the fool does not do it. Finally, quite apart from bribery, kickbacks or

  anything else that would fall under the very broad-stroke ‘corruption’ umbrella is the simple premise

  that certain people have a certain emotional investment in seeing certain projects done a certain way,

  or not done a certain way, as the case may be, and this can set the stage for a big conflict of interest.

  This last point can be particularly challenging when that conflict of interest is with the president of

  Nigeria.

  Nigeria Airways or Two and a Half Planes

  The two different arguments we had the very first time I met President Obasanjo was clearly some

  sort of foreshadowing of what our relationship was destined to become, for we had constant quarrels

  over all manner of things. Someone recently asked me if I could boil down my relationship with

  President Obasanjo into three simple words, and the closest I have come so far is to simply say, ‘a

  roller coaster’ or a ‘love-hate relationship’.

  One of our first big disagreements was over the proposed privatization of Nigeria Airways. President

  Obasanjo clearly had an emotional attachment to the airline. When he was military head of state in the

  late 1970s, he expanded its fleet from a handful of planes to more than two dozen aircraft. He also

  expanded government contribution to GDP from 22 per cent to 44 per cent, so he was very interested

  in state-directed development then. He also purchased 16 huge merchant ships for Nigeria’s national

  shipping line, established six automobile assembly plants, built 22 airports and a steel plant. He

  really believed that only government could be fair, only government could be just, so government

  should be big in business - and do everything.

  Shortly after he assumed office as president in 1999, the joke among us at the BPE was that Nigeria

  Airways only had two and a half planes – ‘two and a half’ because two were flying and one was

  grounded as it was due for ‘D check’, which is what a plane goes through every five years after

  logging a certain number of flying hours. We did not have the money to pay for the D check though, so

  we had the plane, it was fine, it could fly, but no pilot could be willing to fly it without that

  inspection. So really we had two planes flying and neither one was flying any international routes.

  Nigeria Airways’ total fleet had gone from nearly 30 in 1979 when Obasanjo left office the first time,

  to two and a half in 1999 when he returned to the presidency.

  As a result, the president had great difficulty seeing this child that he had raised die, and was,

  therefore, very reluctant to see it privatized. His attitude was, “Look, why can’t we get Boeing or

  Airbus to give us some planes and we pay them back over time?” How we would pay them when

  Nigeria Airways staff siphoned off the revenues into private pockets I suppose was an afterthought.

  Nigeria Airways managers were known for giving free tickets to friends and relations and nobody

  paid for excess baggage or any cargo on their flights. The only way out was to take the national

  carrier license, bilateral air services agreements and the two and a half planes as assets, get some

  private sector entrepreneurial spirit to acquire them so he could then use his balance sheet to borrow

  and buy more planes, and hopefully keep it as a going concern, and preserve some of the 2,000 jobs.

  The IFC had been appointed as transaction advisers in the privatization of Nigeria Airways. This sent

  a very positive signal to the rest of the world that Nigeria was serious about privatization. As we all

  soon learned, President Obasanjo did that just for show, so that he would look good internationally,

  but had no intention of allowing the sale to happen quickly. Perhaps his plan to drag it out would have

  succeeded if not for the fact that some two weeks later, he appointed me as BPE’s director general.

  When I came onto the scene, I honestly thought selling off a near-dead airline was a no-brainer!

  Once I took over, we were going too fast by Obasanjo’s mental timeline. There were a number of

  obstacles to privatizing the airline. To begin with, it had a staff of 2,000, down from 6,000 at its peak,

  and two aircraft, making for an average of 1,000 employees per plane. Meanwhile, the international

  standard was 200 employees per plane. This meant that in the short term, something on the order of

  1,500 people would have to be sacked, and their terminal benefits settled prior to privatization.

  Obstacle number two was the psychological process of coming to terms with a major asset sale like

  that - a privately-owned national carrier meant no free flights for ministers, officials and their

  relations. President Obasanjo had a minister of aviation who was very close to him, Dr. Olusegun

  Agagu. Agagu was not interested in hastening the privatization of Nigeria Airways, despite the fact

  that it was an airline with two aircraft and no revenues, and the reason was very simple - money!. In

  the airline industry, each country signs bilateral air services agreements, commonly referred to as

  BASAs, with other countries. In a given country, any foreign airline that earns more than the host

  country airline pays a fraction of its excess revenues to the host country.

  This quasi-socialist framework was set up to prevent bigger countries from taking advantage of

  smaller countries. In the case of developed country revenues flowing to underdeveloped countries,

  the purpose of these monies was intended to help develop infrastructure for the poorer countries’

  aviation industries. Nigeria Airways, in 1999, received about $35 million just on the basis of this

  agreement, paid in from Lufthansa, KLM, British Airways and others – essentially free cash for doing

  absolutely nothing. Contrary to the provisions of the Nigerian constitution, these funds do not go into

  the distributable pool of revenues or even the treasury of the Federal Government. Much like oil

  money, it just rolls in freely, but into an unaudited account under the control of the ministry of

  aviation.

  As the money is off-budget (it does not go into the federal treasury to be accounted for and

  appropriated by the National Assembly), it could be spent pretty much entirely at the discretion of the

  recipient-agency. This was what the successive ministers of aviation were feasting on, and it was
not

  a bad chunk of revenue for a person or two or even ten. So there was obvious resistance to the

  privatization of Nigeria Airways in the Ministry of Aviation because of that annual $35 million

  income. Minister Agagu consistently made a case to keep the airline for sovereignty, pride, and

  'national security' reasons – everything other than BASA account, and what not, and Obasanjo

  listened. Approvals needed to terminate excess staff, close high-cost centres, fund terminal benefits

  and so on returned with questions and further questions.

  To say there were huge tensions would be an understatement. Soon enough, Obasanjo replaced Agagu

  with a woman and I was initially relieved because I knew I was being successfully obstructed on

  account of Agagu’s closeness to Obasanjo. We later learnt that this woman was even closer to

  Obasanjo, with a longer history of family connections, which worsened the challenges of privatizing

  the airline. The new minister, Dr Kema Chikwe, is the sister-in-law of Ajie Ukpabi Asika, the

  Administrator of the then East-Central State during the civil war, and had been close family friends

  with Obasanjo from the 1960s. We therefore made little progress, and decided within the BPE, and in

  the interest of our institutional credibility, that we had to go public with the ministerial obstructions

  and our frustrations. The IFC was equally bewildered by the attitude of the Nigerian leadership and

  the conflicting signals about the political will to privatize moribund public enterprises.

  At one point, one of Obasanjo’s domestic aides came to me and said, “Look, just slow down on this

  Nigeria Airways thing, because you will never win with this lady. The president will never consent

  to any action that she is opposed to. It is not a question of whether you are right and have a better

  argument or not. You will simply never win.” But I did not care, I believed I had a job to do, and it

  was not Obasanjo's but Nigeria's.

  Our arguments over Nigeria Airways even made several headlines in Nigerian newspapers – that was

  how open the quarrel was. President Obasanjo was quoted as saying that if I ever insulted his

  minister again he was going to fire me, and I responded that I was going to privatize Nigeria Airways,

  no matter what. I asserted that I was sure in two years the airline would be dead unless it was placed

  in private hands. Many people thought I was crazy but the truth was at that point, I really did not care

  if he fired me. In the end, the airline was never privatized, the lady minister tried setting up another

  airline, Airwing, with the airline's assets and BASA, which we successfully foiled, and Nigeria

  Airways finally ceased operating in 2003, shortly after I left BPE, much as predicted. The chief of

  staff to the president reconciled Dr Chikwe and I in May 2003 and asked me to write her a letter of

  apology on 'the inappropriate use of language' since she was older than me, even though I felt she was

  wrong. I had no problems with that and wrote the letter, as life must go on and one must not hold

  grudges for too long, or be seen to be unforgiving.

  Years later in 2006, Kema Chikwe confidently visited me to seek the support of our group – the

  economic team - in her bid to run for the governorship of Imo State. My friend and perceived

  nominee, Hakeem Belo-Osagie, had been appointed the chairman of the PDP gubernatorial screening

  committee for the South-East zone, and Kema needed my help to discredit and discountenance some

  petitions filed to disqualify her. I was gracious and mentioned the visit to Hakeem who went on to do

  a professional job of the screening exercise. The nature of political relationships is dynamic and

  susceptible to change sometimes overnight, and often unpredictably.

  The ending to this story I did not fully know until I was in exile, when I met one of the air transport

  union leaders deployed by the aviation minister to resist the sale of Nigeria Airways. He was abroad

  for medical treatment. He complained that all his union members were then not only unemployed, but

  had not received their terminal benefits – even the negotiated fraction of what they were entitled to on

  paper. I was unsympathetic. I felt that it served them right, and told him so. He admitted that they

  erred, but was honestly persuaded by Kema Chikwe that the government would bail out the airline

  with the acquisition of new planes and fresh injection of funds with the BPE as the only stumbling

  block. The union leader admitted that the Ministry of Aviation financed the union’s campaign against

  the privatization of Nigeria Airways and their support of the ‘turnaround’ option. An example of such

  media campaigns was a paid advert on page 7 of the Daily Champion of 25th September 2002 titled –

  “Air Nigeria, El-Rufai, BPE and the Rest of Us: What Does El-Rufai Want?” He admitted that they

  felt swindled when Obasanjo approved the liquidation of the airline shortly after I left the BPE, a

  process that resulted in job losses and substantially discounted terminal benefits.

  Nigeria Telecommunications Limited (Nitel)

  One of the underlying reasons for my quarrels with President Obasanjo those first few years was his

  constant suspicion that the vice-president and I were up to no good in the privatization

  implementation. I do not fully know where he got this idea but my sense is that it was a combination

  of the president’s generally suspicious nature and the fact that unlike some other senior government

  officials, I never made a practice of paying him regular visits just to chat, or more correctly, gossip

  about others, despite his frequent invitations. This all changed – not our quarrelling, but his suspicion

  of me – as a result of our flagship privatization transaction for 2001: Nigerian Telecommunications

  Limited, better known as Nitel.

  Nitel was the telephone monopoly and the effort to privatize it was a huge challenge, because Nitel,

  like Nigeria Airways, was a big cash cow that had made a lot of politicians, generals, bureaucrats

  and business persons very rich. Those who were benefiting from the status quo therefore saw our

  effort to privatize it as a threat to their livelihood and rent-seeking. But because I came into my job in

  the BPE with a telecommunications background, I knew the industry well and what needed to be

  done. We rewrote the national telecommunications policy, and actively spearheaded the deregulation

  of the telecommunications industry[33] such that licenses would be issued to other operators to

  compete with Nitel because we did not want to just make it a private monopoly as other countries

  have done. Instead, we proposed to both deregulate the industry and privatize Nitel in parallel. We

  were fairly successful overall though the Nitel privatization did not succeed as well as the

  deregulation path.

  The moment we invoked the provisions of the privatization act, all of Nitel’s shares came under the

  finance minister’s oversight, who in turn gave the power of attorney to the BPE since the intent was to

  auction off majority shares of the company. Because BPE effectively became the sole shareholder of

  Nitel, I joined the board of directors. Shortly thereafter, we dissolved the board (made up largely of

  politicians) and constituted our own technical board to steer the company more directly onto a path

  toward privatization.

  Of course, the main element of the privatization process involved auctioning off 51 per ce
nt of the

  company itself, plus management control. While this sale over the years has morphed into something

  that I do not think anyone could have foreseen, the very first bid attempt ended up actually quite

  indicative of the sort of dynamics to expect. A consortium known as Investors International London,

  Ltd. (IILL) bid $1.317 billion to acquire a 51 per cent stake in Nitel in 2001. The terms of the sale

  dictated that 10 per cent of the bid price be paid in immediately as a non-refundable deposit - $131.7

  million – with the other 90 per cent due within 60 days. Failure to pay in the balance would result in

  the deposit being forfeited and the company being offered, hopefully to the second highest bidder - the

  reserve bidder - someone hopefully more solvent.

  After paying in the nearly $132 million deposit, the consortium failed to comply with the 60 day

  deadline, even after being granted a 30-day extension, approved by the NCP. The consortium’s

  leader, Chief Bode Akindele, then attempted to get the deposit refunded, despite the fact that everyone

  was warned well ahead of time what the rules were. I did not find out until later, but he apparently

  was offering $10 million in cash to anyone who could convince the BPE to change its mind. When

  this did not work, he appealed to First Bank Nigeria to discuss the matter with me since First Bank

  had made an unsecured loan to Akindele of about $92 million for part of the initial down payment.

  Had the lender been a small bank, we might have debated the issue or reconsidered, and made a case

  to the Privatization Council for reconsideration to avoid systemic risk. But First Bank had the balance

  sheet and financial strength to take the hit and should have known better, really. In short order, we

  paid the $132 million into the treasury, so the only way for anyone to get the money back would have

  been via an appropriation bill requiring National Assembly approval.

  I do not know what it was about the rules we devised, but the procurement process for Nitel’s GSM

 

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