Hated and Proud- Ultras Contra Modernity

by Mark Dyal

  As game-time approached, groups began forming around those with portable radios and cell phones (with radio service) so as to follow the action. As if on cue, the sky turned dark and rain began to fall. Only a few Ultras had been prescient enough to bring umbrellas. A few of them, along with the media, sought cover under the trees on the Palatine side of the Circo. Most just ignored the rain and kept following the game. And they sang. Just as if at the stadium, the Ultras began singing at the kick-off and continued to do so until the first half ended.

  Throughout the first half I walked around the Circo, getting a sense of who was there and who was not. Some in the Curva, who call themselves Ultras, were against the protest because they were against the participating groups. Because the Far Right is ubiquitous in today’s Curva, the primary distinction between most groups is whether or not a group sells merchandise.

  For Fedayn, the selling of merchandise is tantamount to practicing Calcio Moderno. It is a betrayal of the Ultra mentalità and the expressly written manifestoes of almost every group in the Curva. There is righteousness in the voice of those who speak against merchandise (bearing a group’s name and/or logo for sale to the general public) in the Curva that one does not witness when discussing any other topic. Not only does the selling of merchandise reduce the Ultra to vulgar capitalists, say Fedayn members, but it also cheapens the experience of being an Ultra. If a stadium of 60,000 can all hold aloft a Boys Roma scarf, what is the value of committing oneself to the group and sacrificing oneself for the honor of wearing one? Without this honor, according to some, the Ultras are decadent.

  The crux of the issue, though, is found in the metaphor most used to describe the practice: si mangia dalla Curva (one eats from the Curva). To be seen as eating, or desiring to eat, from the money of other Ultras is to be seen, as Gianluca, a longtime Fedayn member explained during a game with bombs and flares alight all around us, as ‘reducing the Curva to a marketplace and the Ultras to vulgar consumers.’ Upon asking members of one Ultra group about another in Curva Sud or even elsewhere in Italy, frequently one is told before anything else, ‘they eat from the curva.’ Of course, for those groups who sell merchandise, the practice is understood as a means toward self-sufficiency.

  From the perspective of Ultras Romani, they are not a group seeking enrichment from Curva Sud, but merely a new way of being Ultra. Adriano, one of the most energetic and committed Ultras I have met, explained to me that the group was not as far removed from Ultra traditions as other groups think, despite their being the only group in the history of Curva Sud that one pays a membership fee to join. In response to charges of ‘eating from the curva,’ he told me that Ultras Romani is more involved with charity and fund-raising initiatives (such as money for imprisoned Ultras, memorials for deceased Ultras, helping children’s hospitals in Rome, and helping sick and needy AS Roma fans) than any other group in Italy.

  These types of benevolence are commonplace in Curva Sud and other Italian curvas, but because Ultras Romani maintains relationships with the club and players, theirs are given more attention than other efforts. Federico of Giovinezza (Youth, but also the title of the Italian national anthem under Fascism), one of the purist (and most Fascist) groups, countered by reminding me that all the groups work in their communities, and do so without commercializing being an Ultra.

  While many of AS Roma’s Ultras point to Calcio Moderno and the reduction of the Curva to just another space within the global marketplace as the reason why merchandising is largely frowned upon, the issue points to another fault line within the Curva. Along with politics and merchandising there exists a question about what type of space Curva Sud should be. Those on the Left envision a Curva that is non-political and thus unspoiled by the mundane issues of society. The Right, conversely, envisions a Curva that is highly political, organized, and hierarchical.

  The Left in-and-of-itself is almost inconsequential in Curva Sud. This is because the vast majority of the Ultras and unaligned fans who consider themselves Leftists desire a non-political Curva. Even Fedayn, which is now associated with the Right, also desires a non-political Curva; that is, a Curva in which political affiliation and ideology do not factor in the act of fandom. As we have seen, though, Fedayn’s non-political stance does not influence the political aspects of the Ultras’ war against Calcio Moderno. The unaligned fans with whom I spoke and experienced games are far more lenient than Fedayn. According to Gabriele, an unaligned fan who considers himself an Ultra, ‘In the Curva we should be able to do what we want. We have no fear of police reprisals. We can come, drink, be with friends, show our support for AS Roma, and no one should be able to tell us otherwise — the groups included. We who are not affiliated with a group,’ the sixteen-year veteran of Curva Sud and away games continued, ‘are far freer than the organized fans [Ultras]. They are just like soldiers who unthinkingly follow whatever their bosses tell them.’

  The groups, by contrast, feel that the Curva should be a militarized zone, with Ultras standing in formation whether in supporting the team or in making statements, through song or banner, about the society of which the Curva and Ultras are a part. Coordination, suffering for the team and Rome, singing and clapping even when AS Roma is losing, and taking part in the ritualized traditions of Curva Sud are necessary for the Curva to represent itself in an honorable fashion. Those fans who come to games only to spectate are seen as a hindrance to a unified and disciplined Curva. ‘If one makes complaints against [Boys] because we sell merchandise,’ explained Fabio, one of the group’s leaders in 2007, ‘they should be far more concerned with the fans who enter the Curva unwilling to be Ultras. The Curva is not an anarchic utopia but a hierarchical and mechanical space. We come here with a job to do. If they want to hang around and get stoned with their friends they should do so outside this hallowed ground.’ I asked Fabio if the Curva was ultimately a Fascist space. ‘Absolutely,’ he said, ‘one should have the mentality of a squadrista when entering the Curva. Relax at home. Come here as a militant marching into battle.’

  Interestingly, Ultras on both sides of this question talk of the Ultras as a movement. To the groups the Curva is a place of fraternity, bonding, becoming conscious of the world, a place to demonstrate one’s political ideology and to make connections between sport and society.319 To them, the Ultras are a movement with a particular understanding of soccer and society — even if that understanding can vary greatly depending on one’s position within the phenomenon. The Ultras are a collection of young, aggressive, like-minded individuals who, for all their differences, desire a soccer that is pure and symbolic of only the communities its teams represent.320 To the unaligned fans, the Curva is and should remain neutral in every way except in its devotion to AS Roma. It is a space best left devoid of politics; a place where black, red, white, and green hold no power — where instead the red and yellow of AS Roma are the only colors that matter. To them the Ultras might very well be a movement, but it should be one only at game time and in relation to the game.

  For some of the smaller groups that inhabit the lower areas of the Curva, the anti-commercial dimension of the mentalità is so sacred that to join with ‘merchant’ groups in anything is a betrayal of being an Ultra. Even with their absence the Ultras filled the central island of the Circo. The distance between Ultras and non-Ultras is palpable in stadiums, but in the Circo, although a stadium, the distance was heightened to the point of surrealism. Along the edges of the mass of Ultras, tourists looked on curiously with no way of knowing what they were seeing, and local Romans jogged or walked their dogs without being bothered.

  To follow the second half, one of the most respected Ultras in Curva Sud, a longtime member of Fedayn named Giorgio, used a megaphone to announce to all within earshot what was happening. Giorgio is covered in tattoos ranging from the Lupa Capitolina to the AS Roma logo to a message about being an Ultra and carrying Rome in his heart. He speaks in an unmistakable gravelly voice that sounds impossible to be human. Be
fore the Amato Decree banned megaphones in February 2007, he carried the megaphone Fedayn used to coordinate their singing. In December 2006, AS Roma played in Turin against Torino FC. After this somewhat memorable game Giorgio regaled the entire section of AS Roma fans with jokes and songs, one of which became instantly famous in Curva Sud. Titled ‘Bastardo Steward,’ it begins with a hummed bar of the Police Academy movie’s theme song.

  The less-than-optimal conditions for following the game were noted with pride by all with whom I spoke. Standing in the rain and awaiting bursts of cheering or swearing from those closer to a radio was seen as far superior to watching the game on television. Many vowed that they would never watch a game on television — only at the stadium or on the radio, just as their parents and grandparents had done. As always with the Ultras, there was a longing for purity that made sense of many of their actions, from squadristi raids to acting as the self-proclaimed ‘conscience’ of soccer. In previous chapters I discussed the idea of sacrifice that is an important aspect of their worldview. Standing in the rain listening to distant voices describe a game in which one would normally play an active role certainly falls into the category of sacrifice.

  Just as in the United States, radio produced ‘voices’ that were inseparable from one’s experience of the teams. In the case of AS Roma, the voice of the team is a Roman named Carlo Zampa. Most Ultras prefer following games with Carlo because he is an obvious partisan. There is no attempt to be diplomatic, professional, or even decent when Carlo Zampa broadcasts. Zampa’s job as the public-address announcer for AS Roma’s home games ended in 2004–2005 because he used the PA to insult a Juventus player who had demanded a ‘transfer,’ or trade, from AS Roma the previous season. Partisanship was one of the guiding principles for which the Ultras in Circo Massimo were protesting.

  All told, the Circo protest was the most important event during my time amongst the Ultras, even as it occurred in December 2007, my last full month in Rome. Not only did it afford me the opportunity to meet and speak with the most important and influential Ultras in Curva Sud, it also gave me credibility and a high level of acceptance amongst the Ultras. Before the Circo there were Ultras whom I had seen at away games and in Rome who were reluctant to accept my presence. Many of these barriers were diminished that day. It was explained to me that they and I had faced the same choice. I, with little to gain by associating myself with the hardest and most committed of Ultras, nor from actually choosing to miss an important game, had nonetheless done so.321

  I had stayed under the rain with no umbrella and participated in a protest that meant, in their eyes, the survival of the Ultras and of, as Stefano of Padroni di Casa explained it, ‘freedom in Italy.’ Indeed, none of them knew that many of my closest allies and friends beyond the Ultras had passionately voiced their displeasure at my decision to attend the protest instead of the game. It was made clear to me by many in Monteverde that those at the Circo were not fans, that they only went there to bate and hate the police, that they have ruined the Curva, once open to all fans and even the opposition but now exclusionary, and that their silly hatred was killing the game. In the end, I had chosen the Ultras over AS Roma.

  As I mentioned in the previous chapter, in addition to giving me legitimacy and credibility amongst the Ultras, this decision also prompted some of the leaders of Boys to proclaim me a Roman. This romantic move was made with a simple but affectionate hug by Giulio of Boys midway through the game’s second half. In the weeks after, though, word must have spread because I received text messages from more than twenty Ultras wishing me well and sending me off into the world as a Roman.

  From a distance, the Circo probably looked like a party. At the final whistle of the game which AS Roma won 2–1, it was full of song, emergency flares, bombs, and smoke candles. Members of Ultras Romani created a large mosh-pit, and the assembled crowd began pushing and shoving while singing. The groups who brought flags spread out along the base of the Aventine and ‘put their colors in the wind.’

  Figure 16. Ultras in the Circo Massimo, Rome, December 2, 2007.

  From within the Circo, it was in fact a party. The flares and smoke candles blanketed the evening sky with an otherworldly red and yellow glow. Smoke was thick and so was the singing. The Ultras Romani mosh-pit poured forth to a song from 2002–2003: ‘Siamo gli Ultras della Roma; e fieri Centurioni e cavalieri; A difendere la città; Orgoglio della nostra storia; Ave Roma, Roma vittoriosa; Com’è scritto nella storia; Il vento gelido del nord; Non ci potrà fermare.’ (We are the Ultras of Roma; fierce Centurions and Knights; we defend the city; glory of our history; Hail Roma, Victorious Roma; As history has shown; the cold northern winds; cannot stop us.)

  The flags, smoke, bombs, flares, and songs were manifestations of the soccer that the Ultras are determined to save. But they are only the physical manifestations of their mentalità. As the words to the Centurioni song make clear, there was more going on in the Circo than partying and creating a spectacle. Just to make sure that the media and less-than-committed Ultras understood the importance of the day and how it represented the triumph of the Ultra mentalità, at the end of the protest, in the late-dusk light, group leaders appeared with trash-bags and the Ultras cleaned the area they had inhabited of any trash that they or others had been so careless to drop. ‘The city is ours,’ cried Adriano of Ultras Romani, ‘show anyone who comes here how to care for it.’

  For many Ultras, the Circo was the culmination of forty years of Ultra history. It was an acknowledgment of from where the Ultra had come and to where they were going. This was evident in the respect given to the older and extinct groups who attended. One of these was CUCS, which was represented by its founder Stefano Malfatti. After a touching ovation, he held court with an umbrella and a megaphone during the first half. Malfatti, with his gray mop of hair and slight build, looks nothing like today’s hard-edged Ultras. Nor does he look like he ever could have. Courageously he urged the Ultras to change, saying that they need to end the war against the police, as it is a war they cannot win. He would never have been harmed or shouted down in that environment, but he still took a position unpopular on the day.

  He said that violence had always been a part of the Ultras, but that before they made war on other Ultras, which the police were happy to accommodate. He concluded by saying that one is born Ultra and one dies Ultra, and that both of his children will be in the Curva when they are old enough. Malfatti affirmed the Ultras’ form of life, making it clear that it is a way to live with honor, values, and dignity. He seemed to understand his role as a father figure to most of those present. For it was the CUCS that created the idea of a ‘mentalità Ultras’ that Curva Sud Roma was still bound to protect and serve.

  In addition to Malfatti I heard various active Ultras speak. Amongst these were members of Padroni di Casa, Fedayn, Boys, Razza Romana, LVPI, and Primavalle-San Lorenzo. By the end of the game, I had compiled a list of themes that they used to explain the current aims and attentions of the Ultras. The list became the basis for this book. I divided what had been said to me and to those near me into two categories: either affirmation or negation. The affirmations outweighed the negations, which even if unintentional, perfectly promotes the ‘life affirming’ nature of the Ultras. For even the ‘protest’ was more a celebration of being Ultra than a negation of what they do not want to be.

  The Ultras in protest at Circo Massimo said Yes to: flags (bandieri), banners (striscioni), bombs (petardi), smoke candles (fumogeni), flares (razzi illuminati), love (amore), enemies (nemici), loyalty (fedeltà), hatred (odio), aggression (aggressione), honor (onore), rivalry (rivalità), commitment (impegno), sacrifice (sacrificio), laughter (riso), tears (lacrime), romance (fascino), strength (forza), virtue (virtù), brotherhood (confraternità), adventure (avventura), conquest (conquista), danger (pericolo), discrimination (discriminazione), passion (passione), tradition (tradizione), glory (gloria), war (guerra), and, finally, Rome.

  By contrast, they said No
to: egalitarian soccer (egualitario), standardized soccer (standardizzato), moralized soccer (moraleggiarato), soccer only for the selling of advertising (da fare pubblicità), soccer without particularities (senza particolarità), soccer without connection to place (senza rapporto di posto), soccer without passion (senza passione), soccer for consumers (da consumatori), and soccer for a TV audience (dal pubblico di TV).

  Calcio Moderno and the Business of Football

  Origins

  Calcio Moderno is the postmodernization of fandom and commoditization of soccer. It seeks to diminish the primacy of the live audience in order to focus on the television audience, and to make of the game a marketable commodity, so as to generate advertising revenues. The concept itself began appearing in the Italian curvas in the late-1990s. The first organized protest against it that involved AS Roma’s Ultras was in 1999. It was prompted by changes to the format of UEFA’s Champions League competition that went into effect for the 1998–1999 season, giving the impression of UEFA being desirous of creating a TV based European ‘super league.’ Why this idea was particularly threatening to the Ultras will be explained below. First I will detail some of the recent trends that have combined to make soccer more important to many as a business than as a cultural experience.322

  The idea that the game was becoming more overtly commercial began with the International Federation of Football Associations’ (FIFA) decision to have the United States host the 1994 FIFA World Cup. Given its history as one of the few countries without a discernable ‘soccer culture,’ as well as its position at the forefront of the globalization of consumer culture, warnings of the game’s demise, or at least corruption, are rampant in literature from the period. English tabloids decried the ‘Coca-Cola-ization’ and ‘media-ization’ sure to follow the game’s grandest stage being erected in a country with ‘more world renowned serial killers than footballers’.323 The feeling was that FIFA had made a final greedy move to take the game’s popularity and presentation to a new level.