According to traditional sources, the Chou state was dramatically established when Tan Fu, the Chou leader, emigrated over the mountains south into the Wei River valley to avoid endangering his people and subsequently abandoned so-called barbarian customs to embrace the agricultural destiny of his ancestors. These actions immediately characterized him as a paragon of Virtue and endowed the Chou-and subsequently China-with a sedentary, agrarian character. The Shi chi records it as follows:
The Ancient Duke, Tan Fu, again cultivated the [agricultural] occupation of Hou Chi10 and Duke Liu, accumulated his Virtue and practiced righteousness, and the people of the state all supported him. The Hsun-yu of the Jung and Ti [barbarians] attacked them, wanting to get their wealth and things, so he gave them to them. After that they again attacked, wanting to take the land and people. The people were all angry and wanted to fight. The Ancient Duke said, "When people establish a ruler, it should be to their advantage. Now the barbarians are attacking and waging war because they want my land and people. What difference is there if the people are with them, or with me? The people want to fight because of me, but to slay people's fathers and sons in order to rule them, I cannot bear to do it." Then, with his relatives, he went to Pin, forded the Ch'i River, the Chu River, crossed over Mt. Liang, and stopped below Mt. Ch'i. The people of Pin, supporting their aged and carrying their weak, again all flocked to the Ancient Duke below Mt. Ch'i. When the nearby states heard of the Ancient Duke's benevolence, many also gave their allegiance. Thereupon the Ancient Duke discarded their barbarian customs, constructed walls and buildings, and established cities to have them dwell separately. He set up officials for the five offices. The people all sang songs and took pleasure in it, praising his Virtue. I I
General Hsu Pei-ken, a twentieth-century Chinese military historian, believes the Chou easily managed to develop alliances with various peoplesincluding disenchanted Hsia groups conquered by the Shang-because of their agricultural heritage and specialization. In perpetuating the Hsia's agricultural offices, for many years the Chou had dispatched advisers to instruct other peoples and states in farming practices and seasonal activities. This not only garnered them respect and goodwill but also gave them an opportunity to gain a thorough knowledge of the inhabitants, customs, and terrain outside the Wei River valley.12
However, Chi Li-Tan Fu's third son and heir through the virtuous deference of his two elder brothers-aggressively waged successful campaigns against neighboring peoples and rapidly expanded the Chou's power base. At first the Shang recognized his achievements and sanctioned his actions, granting him the title of earl, but he was eventually imprisoned and died at Shang hands despite having married into their royal house. Although the history of Shang-Chou relations remains somewhat unclear, awaiting further archaeological discoveries, several other members of the Chou royal house-including King Wen-seem to have married Shang princesses. Generations before the Chou had migrated into the Wei River valley, commencing with King Wu Ting, the Shang had conducted several military expeditions to subjugate the Chou. Shang kings had also frequently hunted in the Chou domain but apparently grew apprehensive and abandoned this practice as Chou's might increased.13
In his old age, King Wen was also imprisoned by the tyrannical Shang ruler for his loyal remonstrance, but he gained his freedom through lavish bribes gathered by his family and other virtuous men.14 The gifts presented were so generous and impressive that King Wen, who continued to profess his submission and fealty to the Shang, was even designated the Western Duke, or Lord of the West. When the title was conferred, he was presented with a bow, arrows, and axes-symbols of the attendant military responsibilities that ironically required that he actively protect the empire from exter nal challenges. He immediately returned to his small state on the western fringe of the Shang empire where the remoteness of the Wei River valley proved immensely advantageous. Dwelling in essentially barbarian territory, the people enjoyed the stimulus of vigorous military activity," the harvests of a fertile area, and the secrecy relative isolation allowed. Because King Wen could implement effective policies to foster the state's material and social strength without attracting undue attention, Chou had the luxury of seventeen years to prepare for the ultimate confrontation. 16
The T'ai Kung
Into this state of Chou-insignificant when compared with the strength and expanse of the mighty Shang, which continued to assert at least nominal control over roughly three thousand small states and fiefs-came the eccentric T'ai Kung, whose personal name was Chiang Shang. An elderly, somewhat mysterious figure whose early life was shrouded in secrecy, he had perhaps found the Shang ruler insufferable and feigned madness to escape court life and the ruler's power. He disappeared, only to resurface in the Chou countryside at the apocryphal age of seventy-two and become instrumental in Chou affairs. After faithfully serving the Chou court for approximately twenty years subsequent to his first encounter with King Wen, the T'ai Kung was enfeoffed as king of Ch'i following the great conquest-as much to stabilize the eastern area (and perhaps remove him as a military threat) as to reward him for his efforts.
Apart from the T'ai Kung's storied longevity, the initial interview between him and King Wen is also marked by the mythic aura that frequently characterizes predestined meetings between great historical figures. As recorded in the Six Secret Teachings, the Grand Historian had noted signs portending the appearance of a great Worthy and accordingly informed King Wen. The king therefore observed a vegetarian fast for three days to morally prepare for the meeting and to attain the proper spiritual state of mind. When he finally encountered him, the T'ai Kung quickly broached the ultimate subject of revolution-of overthrowing the Shang-by responding to the king's inquiry about fishing in allegorical terms. He then abandoned metaphors to openly advise the king that the realm-indeed, the entire world-could be taken with the proper humanitarian measures and an effective government. Surprised by his directness, although probably assuming it was the working of Heaven, the king immediately acknowledged the T'ai Kung as the true Sage who was critical to realizing Chou dreams and resolved to overthrow the Shang dynasty. Thereafter, the T'ai Kung served as adviser, teacher, confi dant, Sage, military strategist, and possibly commander-in-chief of the armed forces to kings Wen and Wu over the many years necessary before final victory could be realized.
The Shih chi chapter on the state of Ch'i contains a biography of its founder, the T'ai Kung, that provides additional information and records the developments that led to the famous interview (which purportedly is preserved in Chapter One of the Six Secret Teachings).
T'ai Kung Wang, Lu Shang, was a native of the Eastern Sea area.17 His ancestor once served as a labor director, and in assisting Yu in pacifying the waters, had merit. In the interval between Emperor Shun and the Hsia dynasty he was enfeoffed at Lu, or perhaps at Shen, and surnamed Chiang. During the Hsia and Shang dynasties some of the sons and grandsons of the collateral lines were enfeoffed at La and Shen, some were commoners, and Shang was their descendant. His original surname was Chiang, but he was [subsequently] surnamed from his fief, so was called La Shang.
La Shang, impoverished and in straits, was already old when, through fishing, he sought out the Lord of the West [King Wen].18 The Lord of the West was about to go hunting, and divined about [the prospects]. What [the diviner] said was: "What you will obtain will be neither dragon nor serpent, neither tiger nor bear. What you will obtain is an assistant for a hegemon19 or king." Thereupon the Lord of the West went hunting, and indeed met the T'ai Kung on the sunny side of the Wei River. After speaking with him he was greatly pleased and said, "My former lord, the T'ai Kung, said `There should be a Sage who will come to Chou, and Chou will thereby flourish.' Are you truly this [one] or not? My T'ai Kung looked out [wang] for you for a long time." Thus he called him T'ai Kung Wang,20 and returned together with him in the carriage, establishing him as strategist.21
Someone said, "The T'ai Kung has extensive learning, and once served King Chou [of
the Shang]. King Chou lacked the Way [Tao], so he left him. He traveled about exercising his persuasion on the various feudal lords,22 but didn't encounter anyone [suitable], and in the end returned west with the Lord of the West."
Someone else said, "Lu Shang was a retired scholar who had hidden himself on the seacoast.23 When the Lord of the West was confined at Yu-1i, San-i Sheng and Hung Yao, having long known him, summoned La Shang. La Shang also said, `I have heard that the Lord of the West is a Worthy, and moreover excels at nurturing the old, so I guess I'll go there.' The three men sought out beautiful women and unusual objects on behalf of the Lord of the West, and presented them to King Chou in order to ransom the Lord of the West. The Lord of the West was thereby able to go out and return to his state."
Although the ways they say La Shang came to serve the Lord of the West differ, still the essential point is that he became strategist to Kings Wen and Wu.
After the Lord of the West was extricated from Yu-li and returned [to Chou], he secretly planned with La Shang and cultivated his Virtue in order to overturn Shang's government. The T'ai Kung's affairs were mostly concerned with military authority and unorthodox stratagems,24 so when later generations speak about armies and the Chou's secret balance of power [ch'uan,]25 they all honor the T'ai Kung for making the fundamental plans.
The Lord of the West's government was equitable, [even] extending to settling the conflict between the Yu and Jui. The poet [in the Book of Odes] refers to the Lord of the West as King Wen after he received the Mandate [of Heaven]. He attacked Ch'ung, Mi-hsu, and Chuan-i,26 and constructed a great city at Feng. If All under Heaven were divided into thirds, two-thirds had [already] given their allegiance to the Chou.27 The T'ai Kung's plans and schemes occupied the major part.
When King Wen died, King Wu ascended the throne. In the ninth year, wanting to continue King Wen's task, he mounted an attack in the east to observe whether the feudal lords would assemble or not. When the army set out, the T'ai Kung wielded the yellow battle ax in his left hand, and grasped the white pennon in his right, in order to swear the oath.
Ts'ang-ssu! Ts'ang-ssu!28 Unite your masses of common people with your boats and oars. Those who arrive after will be beheaded.
Thereafter he went to Meng-chin. The number of feudal lords who assembled of their own accord was eight hundred. The feudal lords all said, "King Chou can be attacked." King Wu said, "They cannot yet." He returned the army and made the Great Oath with the T'ai Kung.29
After they had remained in Chou for two years, King Chou killed prince Pikan and imprisoned Chi-tzu. King Wu, wanting to attack King Chou, performed divination with the tortoise shell to observe the signs. They were not auspicious, and violent wind and rain arose. The assembled Dukes were all afraid, but the T'ai Kung stiffened them to support King Wu.30 King Wu then went forth.
In the eleventh year, the first month, on the day chia-tzu he swore the oath at Mu-yeh and attacked King Chou of the Shang. King Chou's army was completely defeated. King Chou turned and ran off, mounting the Deer Tower. They then pursued and beheaded King Chou.31 On the morrow King Wu was established at the altars: The Dukes presented clear water; K'ang Shu-feng of Wei spread out a variegated mat; the Shih Shang-fu [the T'ai Kung] led the sacrificial animals; and the Scribe I chanted the prayers, in order to announce to the spirits the punishment of King Chou's offenses. They distributed the money from the Deer Tower, and gave out grain from the Chu-ch'iao granary, in order to relieve the impoverished people. They enfeoffed Pi-kan's grave, and released Chi-tzu from imprisonment. They moved the nine cauldrons,32 rectified the government of Chou, and began anew with All under Heaven. The Shih Shang-fu's [T'ai Kung's] plans occupied the major part.33
Thereupon King Wu, having already pacified the Shang and become King of All under Heaven, enfeoffed the T'ai Kung at Ying-ch'iu in Ch'i. The T'ai Kung went east to go to his state, staying overnight on the road and traveling slowly. The innkeeper said, "I have heard it said that time is hard to get but easy to lose. Our guest sleeps extremely peacefully. Probably he isn't going to return to his state." The T'ai Kung, overhearing it, got dressed that night and set out, reaching his state just before first light. The Marquis of Lai came out to attack, and fought with him for Ying-ch'iu. Ying-ch'iu bordered Lai. The people of Lai were Yi people who, taking advantage of the chaos under King Chou and the new settlement of the Chou dynasty, assumed Chou would not be able to assemble the distant quarters. For this reason they battled with the T'ai Kung for his state.
When the T'ai Kung reached his state he rectified the government in accord with their customs34; simplified the Chou's forms of propriety [li]; opened up the occupations of the merchants and artisans; and facilitated the realization of profits from fishing and salt. In large numbers the people turned their allegiance to Ch'i, and Ch'i became a great state.35
Then when King Ch'eng of the Chou was young,36 Kuan Shu and Ts'ai Shu revolted, and the Yi people of the Hua River valley turned against the Chou. So [King Ch'eng] had Duke Chao K'ang issue a mandate to the T'ai Kung: "To the east as far as the sea, the west to the Yellow River, south to Mu-ling, and north to Wu-ti, completely rectify and put in order the five marquis and nine earls."37 From this Ch'i was able to conduct a campaign of rectification and attack [the rebellious], and became a great state. Its capital was Ying-ch'iu.
When the T'ai Kung died he was probably more than a hundred years old....
The Grand Historian says: "I went to Ch'i-from Lang-yeh which belongs to Mt. T'ai, north to where it fronts the sea, two thousand li of fertile land. Its people are expansive,38 and many conceal their knowledge. It's their Heaven-given nature. Taking the T'ai Kung's Sageness in establishing his state, isn't it appropriate that Duke Huan flourished and cultivated good government, and was thereby able to assemble the feudal lords in a covenant. Vast, vast, truly the style of a great state!"39
Despite this detailed biography of the T'ai Kung in Ssu-ma Ch'ien's generally reliable Shih chi, over the millennia Confucian skeptics even denied his very existence. Others, perturbed by the confusing traditions regarding his origin, consigned him to a minor role. Both groups justified their views by citing the absence of references to the T'ai Kung in the traditionally accepted archaic texts that supposedly provide an authentic record of these epoch making events-the Shang shu40 and Ch'un ch'iu [Spring and Autumn Annals.] Thus, skeptics generally appear to follow the thinking of the second great Confucian, the pedantic Mencius, in refusing to accept the brutal nature of military campaigns and the inevitable bloodshed.41 King Wu's herculean efforts over the many years prior to the conquest, and his achievements in imposing rudimentary Chou control over the vast Shang domain also tend to be slighted. Consequently, the two figures historically associated with sagacity, virtue, and the civil-King Wen and the Duke of Chou-are revered while the strategist and final commander, the representatives of the martial, are ignored and dismissed. However, after examining numerous stories and references in disparate texts and winnowing away the legendary and mythic material, other scholars and historians have concluded that the T'ai Kung not only existed but also played a prominent role in Chou history-much as described in the Shih chi biography.42 Although the details of his initial encounter with King Wen seem likely to remain unknown, the T'ai Kung was probably a representative of the Chiang clan with whom the Chou were militarily allied and had intermarried for generations.43 No doubt, as with the Hsia dynasty, whose formerly mythic existence assumes concrete dimensions with the ongoing discovery of ancient artifacts, the T'ai Kung will eventually be vindicated by historical evidence.44
Policies and Strategies of the T'ai Kung
In order to realize their objectives of surviving and then conquering, the Chou needed a grand strategy to develop a substantial material base, undermine the enemy's strength, and create an administrative organization that could be imposed effectively in both peace and war. Accordingly, in the Six Secret Teachings the T'ai Kung is a strong proponent of the doctrine of the benevolent ruler,
with its consequent administrative emphasis on the people's welfare. He advocates this fundamental policy because he believes a well-ordered, prosperous, satisfied people will both physically and emotionally support their government. Only a society with sufficient material resources is able to train and instruct its people,45 to generate the spirit and provide the supplies essential to military campaigns, and to establish the environment necessary to furnish truly motivated soldiers. Moreover, a benevolent government immediately becomes an attractive beacon to the oppressed and dispirited, to refugees, and to other states that are under the yoke of despotic powers. It creates the confidence that if a new regime is established, its rulers will not duplicate the errors of recently deposed evil monarchs.
The T'ai Kung's basic principles, general policies, and strategic concepts as expressed in the Six Secret Teachings are briefly summarized as follows.46
Civil Affairs
Profit the People The T'ai Kung strongly advocates policies similar to Mencius's historically significant emphasis on the welfare and condition of the people. Stimulating agriculture must be primary and should encompass positive measures to increase productivity as well as conscious efforts to avoid interfering with the agricultural seasons, thus minimizing the negative impact of government actions. Virtues can only be inculcated in and demands successfully imposed on the populace if an adequate material base exists. A prosperous, well-governed state inhabited by a contented people will inevitably be respected by other powers.47
The Seven Military Classics of Ancient China Page 5