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Henry Sidgwick- Eye of the Universe

Page 102

by Bart Schultz


  system of practical rules, “owing to the extent to which the construction

  of such a system ought reasonably to be influenced by the particular social

  and political conditions of the country and time for which it is framed.”

  (PPE )

  Given this nearly Hegelian sensitivity to the particulars of historical

  community, what could The Elements of Politics possibly have to say that

  would count as Benthamite? Indeed, for all Sidgwick’s insistence on the

  importance of political economy, his Principles ends up being nearly as

  subversively inconclusive as his Methods, given his accounts of the heav-

  ily qualified claims for maximizing wealth, the limited role of the art of

  political economy in the wider range of politics, and the importance of ad-

  vancing culture and other goods that the political economist has very little

  understanding of and that are intrinsically resistant to calculation. Once

  again, private duty (e.g., charity) has disappeared in a haze of empirical

  uncertainty.

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  When Mill had objected to Jevons’s marginalism as yielding only a

  false precision, and serving only to render technical and obscure a subject

  that needed to be made as accessible as possible for the sake of educating

  and pacifying the working class, he had sounded the note of the public

  intellectual, of the public educator opposed to obfuscating details. Many

  of Sidgwick’s writings, particularly his essays, might be thought to heed

  this Millian injunction, and of course his wide-ranging efforts to extend

  educational resources – for example, the time he devoted to lecturing at

  the Cambridge Working Men’s College in the early sixties, and his aid

  to Oscar Browning’s University Day Training College for teachers in the

  nineties – also suggest that he was struggling to follow the example of

  both Mill and Maurice concerning the pacification of the working class

  through education. Somehow, though, Sidgwick’s work, even when most

  accessible, betrays a kind of ambivalence and equivocation, not to mention

  an unfailing regard for the complexities of the subject, that would seem

  capable only of stirring doubt – a doubt that, as he well knew, could cut

  many different ways.

  Thus, for example, another one of the stronger policy stances issuing

  from his art of political economy involved an insistence on the virtues of

  “bimetallism” – that is, the use of both silver and gold as monetary stan-

  dards. In Sidgwick’s mouth, of course, this could never turn into a polemic

  about the economy being crucified on a cross of gold, or the depression

  being aggravated by a dogmatic adherence to the gold standard. As ever,

  he calls only for a “careful and impartial” forecast of the comparative dis-

  advantages of bimetallism versus the alternatives, reaching the guarded

  conclusion that

  It thus appears that the adoption of a double standard will, up to a certain point,

  prevent variations in supply from affecting the relative market-value of the two

  metals, as it will tend to produce changes in demand sufficient to absorb their

  effect. But variations of a certain magnitude cannot be thus counteracted; on the

  contrary, such variations will nullify the formal adoption of a double standard,

  and render the currency practically monometallic. (PPE )

  Still, the patient reader has carried away arguments against all sides.

  Notoriously, Sidgwick found that he had a hard time recommending his

  political economy to students or friends. He sent Symonds a copy, for the

  record, but also wrote to tell him that he should not even think of reading

  it.

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  IV. Principles and Elements

  What candidate wanted to tell his voters that he considered them too stupid and

  ignorant to know what was best in politics, and that their demands were as absurd

  as they were dangerous to the future of the country? What statesman, surrounded

  by reporters carrying his words to the remotest corner tavern, would actually say

  what he meant? Increasingly politicians were obliged to appeal to a mass electorate:

  even to speak directly to the masses or indirectly through the megaphone of the

  popular press (including their opponents papers). Bismarck had probably never

  addressed other than an elite audience. Gladstone introduced mass electioneering

  to Britain (and perhaps to Europe) in the campaign of . No longer would the

  expected implications of democracy be discussed, except by political outsiders,

  with the frankness and realism of the debates which had surrounded the British

  Reform Act of . But as the men who governed wrapped themselves in rhetoric,

  the serious discussion of politics retreated to the world of the intellectuals and the educated minority public who read them. The era of democratization was also the

  golden age of a new political sociology: of Durkheim and Sorel, Ostrogorski and

  the Webbs, Mosca, Pareto, Robert Michels and Max Weber. . . . When the men

  who governed really wanted to say what they meant, they had henceforth to do so

  in the obscurity of the corridors of power, the clubs, the private social evenings, the shooting parties or country-house weekends where the members of the elite met

  each other in a very different atmosphere from that of the gladiatorial comedies

  of parliamentary debates or public meetings. The age of democratization thus

  turned into the era of public political hypocrisy, or rather duplicity, and hence

  also into that of political satire. . . . For what intelligent observor could overlook the yawning gap between public discourse and political reality?

  Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Empire, –

  These days at Whittingehame, with Political Economy, Howarth, and other Tories

  were instructive but depressing. Their criticism of the present phase of Radicalism

  seems to be unanswerable. Am I then becoming a Tory? Perhaps, but a strange

  one.

  Sidgwick in January , after meeting with members of Arthur

  Balfour’s Manchester Conservative Association (M )

  In an important passage in the posthumous Philosophy, Its Scope and

  Relations, Sidgwick explained:

  The distinction between Ethics or Politics and Philosophy is not so clear: still I

  think that some distinction is vaguely made in ordinary thought, and might with

  advantage be made somewhat more explict. It is vaguely recognised that it is the

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  business
of Ethics to supply an answer to questions as to details of duty or right conduct – so far as they are questions which it is held legitimate, and not idle,

  to ask – but that this is not the business of Moral or Ethical Philosophy, which is primarily concerned with the general principles and methods of moral reasoning,

  and only with details of conduct so far as the discussion of them affords instructive examples of general principles and method. It is commonly felt that an attempt to

  work out a complete system of duties would inevitably lead us out of Philosophy

  into Casuistry: and that whether Casuistry is a good thing or a bad thing, it

  certainly is not Philosophy. . . . A similar distinction may, I think, be applied to Politics: – accordingly when I had to select a title for a bulky volume in which I

  attempted to treat systematically the chief questions for which the statesman has to

  find answers, I called the book ‘Elements of Politics,’ not ‘Political Philosophy’ or

  ‘Political Science.’ I did not call it Political Philosophy, since it aims at determining the rules for governmental action, and for the construction of governmental organs

  with more fulness of detail than it belongs to Philosophy to do: nor, again, did I

  call it Political Science, since it is primarily concerned with polity as it ought to be, and not with politics as they are, have been, and – so far as we can foresee –

  will be. (PSR –)

  This statement does appear to be in harmony with the professed aims

  of the Elements, which offers the statesman a more comprehensive form

  of practical guidance than the Principles, and a more politically oriented

  form of argument than the Methods. He was impressed, he allowed, with

  the need for a book “which would expound, within a convenient compass,

  and in as systematic a form as the subject-matter might admit, the chief

  general considerations that enter into the rational discussion of political

  questions in modern states” (EP v).

  In fact, Sidgwick moves quickly to establish the difference between pol-

  itics and ethics. The very first paragraph of the Elements suggests that the citizens of the modern state, in deciding political questions, will typically

  arrive at answers “as the result of conscious reasoning from certain general

  principles or assumptions,” whereas on moral questions most are “accus-

  tomed from comparatively early years to pronounce confident decisions;

  sometimes arrived at intuitively, or at least without conscious processes

  of reasoning, sometimes the result of rational processes of more or less

  length.” Thus, as in economics, the move from principle to policy, or

  from virtue to the common good, has nothing like the immediacy of in-

  tuitions of rightness. The fourth book of the Methods finds its natural

  continuation here. And like the Methods, the Elements disclaims any great originality – the aim is “not to supply any entirely new method of obtaining

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  reasoned answers to political questions; but rather, by careful reflection,

  to introduce greater clearness and consistency into the kind of thought

  and reasoning with which we are all more or less familiar.” (EP )

  Sidgwick is also at some pains to distinguish this kind of work, which

  “treats of political societies regarded in their political aspect: – i.e. as

  under government,” from the larger and to some degree different pre-

  occupations of sociology. Here, however, his qualms about sociology are

  directed at Mill as well as the familiar targets, and he wants to deny that

  he is developing the Millian study of ethology, according to which “Theo-

  retical Politics can only be scientifically studied as one part or application

  of the Science or Philosophy of History.” In a vital passage, he explains: “I

  think that, for the purpose of general political reasoning that has a practical

  aim, induction from the political experiences which history records can

  only be employed in a secondary way.” “But if this is so,” he continues,

  “by what other rational method can we deal with the questions of Practical

  Politics?” Thus,

  The method commonly adopted in political reasoning that appeals to general

  principles is the following: we assume certain general characteristics of social

  man – characteristics belonging not to mankind universally, but of civilised man

  in the most advanced stage of his development; and we consider what laws and

  institutions are likely to conduce most to the welfare of an aggregate of such beings living in social relations. The present work is an attempt to render this method

  more systematic and precise: the practical principles defined and applied in it

  are accordingly based on certain general assumptions as to human motives and

  tendencies, which are derived primarily from the ordinary experience of civilised

  life, though they find adequate confirmation in the facts of the current and recent

  history of our own and other civilised countries. (EP )

  A note to this statement observes that despite Mill’s claims for ethology,

  the method he employs in such works as Considerations on Representative

  Government was closer to this deductive approach, which is in part the

  method inherited from the Benthamites.

  Now, this insistence on the primary importance of the analytical or

  deductive method inherited from the Benthamites may seem to fly in

  the face of all the cautious historicizing tendencies of such works as the

  Principles, and to make the problem of “difference” loom very large indeed.

  How, for example, could it be reconciled with the frank confession, in

  “Bentham and Benthamism,” that Macaulay’s rejoinder to James Mill

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  had been very powerful, and that this “spirited criticism of the deductive

  politics of James Mill, though it was treated with contempt by its object,

  had a powerful effect on the more impartial and impressible mind of the

  younger Mill”? (MEA )

  In truth, however, Sidgwick’s methodological struggles in the Elements

  were largely continuous with those of the Principles, with only a slight

  shifting of emphasis to stress the limitations of the historical method. Al-

  though he did admit that the question “how far knowledge of the past

  is important for a scientific grasp of the present, is one that will primâ

  facie receive a different answer in relation to different inquiries,” he did not seek to drive a historicist wedge between politics and the art of political economy. The essence of the deductive method in economics is

  that in

  all abstract economic reasoning which aims at quantitative precision, there is

  necessarily a hypothetical element; the facts to which the reasonings relate are

  not contemplated in their actual complexity, but in an artifically simplified form;

  if, there
fore, the reasoning is not accompanied and checked by a careful study of

  facts, the required simplification may easily go too far or be inappropriate in kind, so that the hypothetical element of the reasoning is increased to an extent which

  prevents the result from having any practical value. (PPE –)

  It is just this type of limited priority that the analytical or deductive ap-

  proach should have in politics as well.

  In other words, Sidgwick’s way of deploying the deductive approach

  still has very little in common with the universalistic or ahistoricist

  Benthamism that Macaulay had so effectively demolished. His “homo

  economicus” and “homo politicus” are the products of the social condi-

  tions of modern European civilization, and the political policies appro-

  priate to them will be, like the economic policies, carefully tailored to the

  specifics of their culture and political system. If anything, Sidgwick’s in-

  sistence on the priority of the analytical method reflects his acute sense of

  historical change, of just how little of political relevance is to be found in

  the study of other times and places. Again, he was happy to admit that the

  arch-historicists had demonstrated how different the modern world was

  from, say, the medieval one: the lesson then to be learned was how little

  guidance moderns could take from the medieval situation.

  Thus, the Elements resembles the Principles in taking its point of departure from the effort to assimilate the historicizing tendencies of the

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  nineteenth century. And despite Sidgwick’s gestures toward Bentham, this

  very different methodological mentality was quite evident to contempo-

  rary reviewers. Although some rehearsed the old charge of Benthamism –

  the Edinburgh Review predictably charged him with having “discarded

  almost throughout his work the teachings of experience,” founding “his

  theory of politics on reasoning which is mainly or purely deductive” –

  most found his professions of allegiance to Bentham less than persuasive.

 

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