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Henry Sidgwick- Eye of the Universe

Page 115

by Bart Schultz


  to any restraints on the pursuit of their interests is “essentially immoral.”

  Thus, for a state, “as for an individual, the ultimate end and standard

  of right conduct is the happiness of all who are affected by its actions,”

  though of course, “for an individual no less than for a State – as the lead-

  ing utilitarian moralists have repeatedly and emphatically affirmed . . . the general happiness is usually best promoted by a concentration of effort

  on more limited ends.” National interest, like self-interest, thus has a cer-

  tain limited role to play as an indirect means to the greatest happiness.

  But in the “exceptional cases in which the interest of the part conflicts

  with the interest of the whole, the interest of the part – be it individual or

  State – must necessarily give way. On this point of principle no compromise

  is possible, no hesitation admissible, no appeal to experience relevant.”

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  (EP ) Again, Sidgwick was as horrified by neo-Machiavellian global

  politics as he was by narrowly egoistic party politics, and he favored fed-

  eration in part because he recognized and feared other tendencies, those

  making for strife. As usual, on his view of the reconciliation project, egoism

  was supposed to get lifted up to high utilitarian duty.

  Indeed, some nineteen years after Sidgwick’s death, in the immediate

  aftermath of the first World War, Bryce and Eleanor edited a small volume

  entitled National and International Right and Wrong, consisting of two

  of Sidgwick’s essays from Practical Ethics – “Public Morality” and “The

  Morality of Strife.” It was a touching tribute to Sidgwick’s continuing

  relevance:

  Sidgwick had already perceived more than twenty years ago that the current of

  German thought, beginning to run in an anti-moral direction, was returning to

  the doctrines promulgated by Machiavelli but provided with a new basis by the

  Hegelian doctrine of the omnipotent state. Some of us had latterly observed that

  not in Germany only was there a decline from the moral standards of eighty years

  ago, but no one (so far as I know) has explained with so much ingenuity the causes

  that have contributed to this change.

  Sidgwick pointed out “in words that ought to be pondered to-day

  what may be hoped for from the sedulous cultivation of what he

  calls the spiritual methods of avoiding both international and industrial

  strife.”

  Bryce’s reading was certainly shared by Eleanor. In “The Morality of

  Strife in Relation to the War,” she quoted her late husband’s observation

  that the affirmation of national egoism almost always had the practical

  aim of emancipating “the public action of statesmen from the restraints of

  private morality.” This was followed by the observation that when “it is

  deliberately maintained by a powerful State that Might makes Right, that

  a nation is a law to itself, and not only has no duties to other nations but is

  bound to aim solely at what it conceives to be its own interests irrespective

  of all considerations of justice, veracity, and good faith – when a State

  holds this it is obvious that trouble is bound to come.” Individual egoism

  and national egoism, both apt to be much less than rational or Goethean,

  were parallel problems. Small wonder that Sidgwick felt the urgent need

  to write a book on “Kant and Kantism in England.”

  Here it might also be recalled how the Methods had stressed the necessity

  of coming to terms with narrower circles of sympathy and attachment, and

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  had even made reference to race, as well as nationality, as a commonsense

  criterion for partiality:

  We should all agree that each of us is bound to show kindness to his parents and

  spouse and children, and to other kinsmen in a less degree: and to those who

  have rendered services to him, and any others whom he may have admitted to

  his intimacy and called friends: and to neighbors and to fellow-countrymen more

  than others and perhaps we may say to those of our own race more than to black

  or yellow men, and generally to human beings in proportion to their affinity to

  ourselves. (ME ).

  Now, predictably, as an intermediate principle, the national one – or

  the racial one, for that matter – must be as qualified as the individual

  one. Certainly, no such thing could serve as an absolute, as opposed to a

  qualified indirect means to achieve the greatest happiness. For Sidgwick,

  According to the national ideal, the right and duty of each government is to

  promote the interests of a determinate group of human beings, bound together

  by the tie of a common nationality – with due regard to the rules restraining it

  from attacking or encroaching on other States – and to consider the expediency

  of admitting foreigners and their products solely from this point of view.

  On the “cosmopolitan ideal, its business is to maintain order over the

  particular territory that historical causes have appropriated to it, but not

  in any way to determine who is to inhabit this territory, or to restrict

  the enjoyment of its natural advantages to any particular portion of the

  human race.” But the latter, Sidgwick owns, “is perhaps the ideal of the

  future,” since it “allows too little for the national and patriotic sentiments

  which have in any case to be reckoned with as an actually powerful po-

  litical force, and which appear to be at present indispensable to social

  wellbeing.” Indeed, these sentiments cannot at present find a substitute

  “in sufficient diffusion and intensity” in the “wider sentiment connected

  with the conception of our common humanity.” (EP –)

  Thus, for example, the “governmental function of promoting moral

  and intellectual culture might be rendered hopelessly difficult by the con-

  tinual inflowing streams of alien immigrants, with diverse moral habits

  and religious traditions.” And of course, the “efficient working of the po-

  litical institutions of different States presupposes certain characteristics

  in the human beings to whom they are applied; and a large intermixture

  of immigrants brought up under different institutions might inevitably

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  introduce corruption and disorder into a previously well-ordered State.”

  (EP )

  Still, the conclusion is that even if it might not at present be “in the

  interest of
humanity at large” to “impose upon civilised States generally,

  as an absolute international duty, the free admission of immigrants,” this

  path is to be encouraged, since such free admission “will generally be

  advantageous to the country admitting them.” The admitting state would

  be “thus enabled to share the advantage of the special faculties and em-

  pirical arts in which other countries excel,” which is partly a matter of

  “the diffusion of mutual knowledge and sympathy among nations.” Once

  again, Sidgwick suggests a brighter future: “Over a large part of the earth’s

  surface the union of diverse races under a common government seems to

  be an almost indispensable condition of economic progress and the spread

  of civilisation; in spite of the political and social difficulties and drawbacks

  that this combination entails.” (EP ) At one level, at least, this was

  indeed a shrewd recognition of how nationalism had evolved far beyond

  the earlier, often Romantic proto-nationalistic identity politics that had

  inspired so many mythical accounts of the spiritual bonds uniting Celts,

  or Gauls, or Teutons (etc.) – or Boädicea’s kinsfolk.

  But the cosmopolitan ideal would appear to welcome emigration as well

  as immigration, and on this it sounds rather less enlightened. In discussing

  the matter of “increase of population as a subordinate end at which a states-

  man should aim, with a view to the promotion of the general happiness,”

  Sidgwick rehearses the shifting attitudes from the pre-Malthusian period

  down to the present one, noting that it would be “generally agreed” that

  “emigration apart,” a “government that took measures for the direct pur-

  pose of adding to the population of a country as fully peopled as England

  or France, would be assuming too great and dangerous a responsibility;

  owing to the danger that the increase of numbers would be accompanied

  by a lowering of the average quality of life in the increased population.”

  He continues:

  Indeed, since Malthus, an important group of thinkers have urged that measures

  should be taken tending to restrict the growth of the population: and it seems not

  improbable that at some future time the governments of civilised countries will

  have to face this problem, unless measures of this kind are spontaneously adopted

  by the governed. But in the present condition of the world any such measures

  would seem to be objectionable so far as they tend to check the expansion of

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  civilised humanity; – assuming that the increase of the amount of human life in

  the world, under its present conditions of existence in civilised countries, is a good and not an evil; except so far as increase of numbers tends to be accompanied by

  increase of disease, or even of physical discomfort not involving disease. If this

  assumption be granted, we may clearly regard as a benefit to humanity the stimulus

  to population which organised emigration and colonisation would tend to give –

  accompanied as it would be with a tendency to improve the average condition of

  the human beings in the colony and mother country taken together. (EP –)

  Puzzlingly, in a rare inconsistency, in these passages Sidgwick keeps

  referring to the “average quality of life,” rather than to the total utility

  criterion that he had defended in the Methods.

  At any rate, the claim that colonization was a vehicle for utilitarian policy

  in this respect was also something of a fixture of Sidgwick’s thought. As

  early as , he had written to Dakyns:

  I forget whether you agree with Mill’s population theory. I think the way he blinks

  the practical morality of the question is the coolest thing I know. And I know many

  cool things on the part of your thorough-going theorists. I believe in ‘Be fruitful

  and multiply.’ I think the most crying need now is a better organised colonisation.

  To think of the latent world-civilisation in our swarms of fertile Anglo-Saxon

  pauperism.

  A follow-up letter flatly puts it: “colonisation is unanswerable, I think; if

  not, please answer it.” (M –)

  Sidgwick was the first to admit that England was the great colonizer,

  and he appreciated the complex forms it had taken. In a broadly sympa-

  thetic review of Cairnes’s Essays, he especially complimented the one on

  “Colonisation,” which

  presents very effectively in sharp outline and impressive contrast the three stages

  of English colonisation: the first period, closed by the war of American Indepen-

  dence, when the aims of colonisation were commercial, while in other matters

  the habits and genius of our race produced an unwatched and half-unwarranted

  freedom of self-government; the second period, of Colonial-Office control and

  convict settlement; the third period, ‘initiated by an event as obscure as the War

  of Independence was famous,’ the formation of the Colonisation Society in .

  Mr. Cairnes . . . dwells with justifiable pride on the success of this latter movement, certainly one of the “most remarkable triumphs of constructive theorising

  that English history has to show.” He does allow, however, that the “bursting of the

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  Henry Sidgwick: Eye of the Universe

  Wakefield bubble” with the early bankruptcy of South Australia and Wakefield’s

  failures in New Zealand were serious setbacks. Still, he concludes “we may fairly

  attribute the present prosperity of Australia and New Zealand to the Colonisation

  Society of . (CWC)

  But ultimately, Sidgwick’s bottom line on colonization is not quite so

  simple:

  Experience, however, seems to show that, generally speaking, taking into account

  the risk of conflict with aborigines and of collisions with other civilised states,

  the cost of founding a colony will outweigh any returns obtainable to the public

  treasury of the mother country; and that the extra cost cannot be thrown on the

  colonists, since, so long as the colony is weak, it is too poor to bear it, while,

  when it has grown richer, it will also have grown stronger, and will refuse to

  pay. Still . . . even where colonisation is a bad investment from the point of view of public finance, it may still be remunerative in one way or another to the community

  as a whole. (EP )

  On the economic side, then, Sidgwick would seem to align himself more

  closely with the skeptical approach to colonies taken by Smith, Turgot,

  and Bentham and by eighteenth-century political economy generally, ac-

  cording to which the economic gains from colonies are doubtful. He allows,

  however, the possibility that “substantial gains are likely to accrue to the

  conquering community regarded as an aggregate of individuals; through

>   the enlarged opportunities for the private employment of capital, the

  salaries earned in governmental service, and especially, in the case of a

  commercial community, through the extended markets opened to trade.”

  Moreover, he thinks they may be of doubtful help in terms of war and

  national defense, noting that the British possession of India was, if any-

  thing, a handicap in this respect.

  So it is with this mass of qualifications and warnings that Sidgwick at

  last broaches more directly the relations between “civilized” and other

  states or peoples:

  As between old fully-peopled States like those of Western Europe and civilised

  States like the American, with a large amount of unoccupied land, the transfer

  of population tends to be more extensive and one-sided; the old States – even

  when they are growing in numbers and wealth – send to the newer countries

  a considerable excess of both over what they receive. When, however, emigra-

  tion takes place from civilised States into regions uninhabited except by savage

  tribes – whose political organisation would hardly be held to justify the name of

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  ‘States’ – it is in modern times normally combined with extension of the terri-

  tory of the State from which it takes place, and may be regarded as a process of

  Expansion of the community as a whole. (EP )

  The term “colonisation,” he explains, often refers to “the occupation by

  a civilised community of regions thinly inhabited by uncivilised tribes;

  in which, accordingly, even supposing the ‘aborigines’ to be treated with

  equity and consideration, there is room for a new population of immigrants

  far exceeding the old in numbers” (EP ). But this does not apply to

  all cases, and some colonization has involved conquest of not-so-thinly

  populated areas. And he allows that

  The case is different when the conquered, though not uncivilised, are markedly

  inferior in civilisation to the conquerors. Here, if the war that led to the conquest can be justified by obstinate violation of international duty on the part of the

  conquered, the result would generally be regarded with toleration by impartial

 

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