The Auckland University Press Anthology of New Zealand Literature

by Jane Stafford

  But all this time the boat is darting to the shore; and as the distance is only a couple of hundred yards, I can hardly understand how it is that I have not yet landed. The crew are pulling like mad, being impatient to show the tribe the prize they have made,—a regular pakeha rangatira as well as a rangatira pakeha (two very different things), who has lots of tomahawks, and fish-hooks, and blankets, and a tupara, and is even suspected to be the owner of a great many ‘pots’ of gunpowder! ‘He is going to stop with the tribe, he is going to trade, he is going to be a pakeha for us.’ These last conclusions were, however, jumped at, the ‘paheka’ not having then any notions of trade or commerce, and being only inclined to look about and amuse himself. The boat nears the shore, and now arises from a hundred voices the call of welcome,—‘Haere mai! haere mai! hoe mai! hoe mai! haere mai, e-te-pa-ke-ha, haere mai!’ Mats, hands, and certain ragged petticoats put into requisition for that occasion, all at the same time waving in the air in sign of welcome. Then a pause. Then, as the boat came nearer, another burst of haere mai! But unaccustomed as I was then to the Maori salute, I disliked the sound. There was a wailing melancholy cadence that did not strike me as being the appropriate tone of welcome; and as I was quite ignorant up to this time of my own importance, wealth, and general value as a pakeha, I began, as the boat closed in with the shore, to ask myself whether possibly this same ‘haere mai’ might not be the Maori for ‘dilly, dilly, come and be killed’. There was, however, no help for it now; we were close to the shore, and so, putting on the most unconcerned countenance possible, I prepared to make my entrée into Maori-land in a proper and dignified manner.

  (1863)

  Colonial

  The colonial period is defined by programmes, formal agendas, treaties, declarations and acts of state. But colonies are also born out of the imagination—whether the practical imagination which sets about making its fantasies real or the literary imagination which uses such plans as the raw material for writing. Unlike the earlier contact period of documentary reportage and evidence collection, this section is concerned with narratives—narratives of emigration and arrival, narratives of settlement and encounter, narratives of conquest, whether of the land or of the inhabitants of that land.

  Works which are generated by anticipation are generally optimistic, sometimes witlessly so, and we find such celebration here. Stories of arrival are more varied. The individual might find the colonial experience more difficult than the rallying cries of the stay-at-home enthusiasts suggest. Loneliness, nostalgia, the irritation of the odd and the unsettling are the norm.

  One of the purposes of colonial literature is to soften these negatives—to make the strange place home. Immigrants arrive with a library, whether actual or mental, with which they can interpret what they encounter and where they are. Poets, especially Romantic poets with their emphasis on the individual in the natural world, provide adaptable templates for the settler. And romance provides plots in which danger and difficulty are encountered and overcome. Local authors thus work both with the world at hand and with imported vocabularies in which to transform that world into works of literature.

  Literature in so small a place as colonial New Zealand necessarily registers the events of its community. The wars of the 1860s produce an odd body of writing, sensationalist, romantic, bleakly factual, and as unresolved as the conflict itself. By definition the idea of the colonial implies the existence of the colonised, but although Māori are the focus of a good deal of the writing during this period, they are here mostly written about rather than writing. Nevertheless, Māori have a presence through their enthusiastic participation in the world of print and the inclusion of contemporary translations of their communications through the all-important medium of the colonial newspaper.

  Post-contact, this writing already has a sense of what has been lost—whether it be objects, voices, land or landscapes. Both Māori and Pākehā seek to preserve what is endangered, often in collaboration. Māori oral record and the contents of Māori systems of knowledge are collected, transcribed and transferred to Victorian literary containers which, at times overtly and at times more subtly, interpret what they preserve.

  Treaties and Declarations

  Declaration of Independence of New Zealand

  1) We, the hereditary chiefs and heads of the tribes of the Northern parts of New Zealand, being assembled at Waitangi, in the Bay of Islands, on this 28th day of October, 1835, declare the Independence of our country, which is hereby constituted and declared to be an Independent State, under the designation of The United Tribes of New Zealand.

  2) All sovereign power and authority within the territories of the United Tribes of New Zealand is hereby declared to reside entirely and exclusively in the hereditary chiefs and heads of tribes in their collective capacity, who also declare that they will not permit any legislative authority separate from themselves in their collective capacity to exist, nor any function of government to be exercised within the said territories, unless by persons appointed by them, and acting under the authority of laws regularly enacted by them in Congress assembled.

  3) The hereditary chiefs and heads of tribes agree to meet in Congress at Waitangi in the autumn of each year, for the purpose of framing laws for the dispensation of justice, the preservation of peace and good order, and the regulation of trade; and they cordially invite the Southern tribes to lay aside their private animosities and to consult the safety and welfare of our common country, by joining the Confederation of the United Tribes.

  4) They also agree to send a copy of this Declaration to His Majesty, the King of England, to thank him for his acknowledgement of their flag; and in return for the friendship and protection they have shown, and are prepared to show, to such of his subjects as have settled in their country, or resorted to its shores for the purposes of trade, they entreat that he will continue to be the parent of their infant State, and that he will become its Protector from all attempts upon its independence.

  Agreed to unanimously on this 28 day of October, 1835, in the presence of His Britannic Majesty’s Resident.

  (1835)

  The Treaty of Waitangi

  HER MAJESTY VICTORIA Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland regarding with Her Royal Favour the Native Chiefs and Tribes of New Zealand and anxious to protect their just Rights and Property and to secure to them the enjoyment of Peace and Good Order has deemed it necessary in consequence of the great number of Her Majesty’s Subjects who have already settled in New Zealand and the rapid extension of Emigration both from Europe and Australia which is still in progress to constitute and appoint a functionary properly authorised to treat with the Aborigines of New Zealand for the recognition of Her Majesty’s Sovereign authority over the whole or any part of those islands—Her Majesty therefore being desirous to establish a settled form of Civil Government with a view to avert the evil consequences which must result from the absence of the necessary Laws and Institutions alike to the native population and to Her subjects has been graciously pleased to empower and to authorise me William Hobson a Captain in Her Majesty’s Royal Navy Consul and Lieutenant-Governor of such parts of New Zealand as may be or hereafter shall be ceded to her Majesty to invite the confederated and independent Chiefs of New Zealand to concur in the following Articles and Conditions.

  Article the First

  The Chiefs of the Confederation of the United Tribes of New Zealand and the separate and independent Chiefs who have not become members of the Confederation cede to Her Majesty the Queen of England absolutely and without reservation all the rights and powers of Sovereignty which the said Confederation or Individual Chiefs respectively exercise or possess, or may be supposed to exercise or to possess over their respective Territories as the sole Sovereigns thereof.

  Article the Second

  Her Majesty the Queen of England confirms and guarantees to the Chiefs and Tribes of New Zealand and to the respective families and individuals thereof the full exclusive and undi
sturbed possession of their Lands and Estates Forests Fisheries and other properties which they may collectively or individually possess so long as it is their wish and desire to retain the same in their possession; but the Chiefs of the United Tribes and the individual Chiefs yield to Her Majesty the exclusive right of Preemption over such lands as the proprietors thereof may be disposed to alienate at such prices as may be agreed upon between the respective Proprietors and persons appointed by Her Majesty to treat with them in that behalf.

  Article the Third

  In consideration thereof Her Majesty the Queen of England extends to the Natives of New Zealand Her royal protection and imparts to them all the Rights and Privileges of British Subjects.

  (1840)

  William Colenso, ‘The Authentic and Genuine History of the Signing of the Treaty of Waitangi’

  Thursday February 6th 1840. This morning at 9.30, we (the missionaries) left Paihia Station for Waitangi, a mile and a half distant. On our arrival we found that the Natives were already there—not, however, such a large party as was present the day before. The fierce squabble about the tobacco yesterday, coupled with the remembrance of the sad murderous affray which took place here on the Whananake question, had sent several to their respective homes. Nevertheless, there were several present—not less than 300, or even 400—scattered in small parties according to their tribes, talking about the treaty, but evidently not clearly understanding it. Time passed by, 11 o’clock came, but no Governor, nor could any movement be discerned on board HMS ‘Herald’ from which it might be inferred that His Excellency was coming; the Natives, too, were becoming impatient. About noon a boat from the ship came ashore, with two of the officers of His Excellency’s suite, who seemed surprised at our saying we were there waiting for the Governor, as they said ‘His Excellency certainly knew nothing about a meeting to be held there this day.’ It was now evident that a misunderstanding had somehow arisen. A boat was instantly despatched to the ship to let the Governor know; and he soon arrived, in plain clothes, except his hat, and unattended by any of the officers of the ‘Herald’. He assured us he had not the least notion of a meeting to be held this day; but that, as it was, he would take the signatures of the Native chiefs who were present and desirous of signing the treaty: still, he must have a public meeting on the morrow (Friday), pursuant to the notice he had already given at the close of the meeting yesterday, &c.

  We then Proceeded to the tent, where, after some little delay and difficulty, the Natives assembled together. Some few necessary arrangements having been entered into for the better and more regular signing of their names, the Governor rose and said, ‘I can only receive signatures this day. I cannot allow of any discussion, this not being a regular public meeting.’ At this stage of the proceedings a messenger came to the Governor, informing him that the French Roman Catholic bishop and a priest were at Mr Busby’s house, and that they wished to be present at the meeting, &c.; on which the Governor despatched his secretary to bring them over to the tent. They soon came, and took their seats in the same places they had occupied on the preceding day. His Excellency then proposed that the Rev. H. Williams should read the treaty to the Natives from the parchment (as that read the day before was from the draft on paper), which was done by Mr Williams.

  Here the Roman Catholic bishop made some remarks to the Governor in an undertone, which were not heard by us; and the Governor, addressing himself to the Rev. H. Williams, who was acting as interpreter, said, ‘The bishop wishes it to be publicly stated to the Natives that his religion will not be interfered with, and that free toleration will be allowed in matters of faith. I should therefore thank you to say to them that the bishop will be protected and supported in his religion—that I shall protect all creeds alike.’

  On which Mr Williams, addressing the Natives, said, ‘Na, e mea ana te Kawana’—(‘Attend, the Governor says’) when he stopped, and, turning to Mr G. Clarke, of the Church Mission, standing next to him, said something that was inaudible beyond the spot on which they two stood. Mr Clarke, however, appeared not to understand—at least, not to hear plainly what Mr Williams had said. Seeing this, I, who stood next, said to Mr Williams, ‘Pray, sir, write it down first, as it is an important sentence.’ Then Mr Williams, taking paper and pencil, proceeded to do so. The paper, when written on, was passed to the Governor for the Roman Catholic bishop’s inspection, who, having read it, said in English, ‘This will do very well’; on which the paper was returned to Mr Williams, who read the same to the Natives. The slip of paper contained the following words: ‘E mea ana te Kawana, ko nga whakapono katoa, o Ingarani, o nga Weteriana, o Roma, me te ritenga Maori hoki, e tiakina ngatahitia e ia’ (‘The Governor says the several faiths [beliefs] of England, of the Wesleyans, of Rome, and also the Maori custom, shall be alike protected by him’). I got Mr Williams (though with some little hesitation on his part) to insert ‘me te ritenga Maori hoki’ (‘and also the Maori custom, or usage’) as a correlative to that ‘of Rome’.

  All being now ready for the signing, the Native chiefs were called on in a body to come forward and sign the document. Not one, however, made any move nor seemed desirous of doing so till Mr Busby, hitting on an expedient, proposed calling them singly by their names as they stood in his (private) list, in which list the name of Hoani Heke (known, too, to be the most favourable towards the treaty) happened to be the first—at least, of those who were this day present. On his being called by name to come and sign, he advanced to the table on which the treaty lay. At this moment I, addressing myself to the Governor, said,—

  ‘Will your Excellency allow me to make a remark or two before that chief signs the treaty?’

  The Governor: ‘Certainly, sir.’

  Mr Colenso: ‘May I ask your Excellency whether it is your opinion that these Natives understand the articles of the treaty which they are now called upon to sign? I this morning’—

  The Governor: ‘If the Native chiefs do not know the contents of this treaty it is no fault of mine. I wish them fully to understand it. I have done all that I could do to make them understand the same, and I really don’t know how I shall be enabled to get them to do so. They have heard the treaty read by Mr Williams.’

  Mr Colenso: ‘True, your Excellency; but the Natives are quite children in their ideas. It is no easy matter, I well know, to get them to understand—fully to comprehend a document of this kind; still, I think they ought to know somewhat of it to constitute its legality. I speak under correction, your Excellency. I have spoken to some chiefs concerning it, who had no idea whatever as to the purport of the treaty.’

  Mr Busby here said, ‘The best answer that could be given to that observation would be found in the speech made yesterday by the very chief about to sign, Hoani Heke, who said, “The Native mind could not comprehend these things: they must trust to the advice of their missionaries.”’

  Mr Colenso: ‘Yes; and that is the very thing to which I was going to allude. The missionaries should do so; but at the same time the missionaries should explain the thing in all its bearings to the Natives, so that it should be their own very act and deed. Then, in case of a reaction taking place, the Natives could not turn round on the missionary and say, “You advised me to sign that paper, but never told me what were the contents thereof.”’

  The Governor: ‘I am in hopes that no such reaction will take place. I think that the people under your care will be peaceable enough: I’m sure you will endeavour to make them so. And as to those that are without, why we must endeavour to do the best we can with them.’

  Mr Colenso: ‘I thank your Excellency for the patient hearing you have given me. What I had to say arose from a conscientious feeling on the subject. Having said what I have I consider that I have discharged my duty.’

  Here Hoani Heke signed the treaty, on which several others came forward and did the same. Whilst the treaty was being signed, Marupo, chief of the Wanaurara Tribe, and Ruhe, a chief of the Ngatihineira Tribe, made long speeches agains
t the signing of the same. Both declaimed strongly in true New Zealand style, running up and down, flourishing their hands and arms, stamping with their feet, &c. Marupo was stripped naked to the loins, and continued his oratory and gestures until he was exhausted. Both, however, of these chiefs subsequently came to the table and signed the treaty. Marupo, having made his mark (as he could neither read nor write), shook hands heartily with the Governor, and seized hold of, and much wished to put on, His Excellency’s hat, which was lying on the table. After some little time Te Kemara came towards the table and affixed his sign to the parchment, stating that the Roman Catholic bishop (who had left the meeting before any of the chiefs had signed) had told him ‘not to write on the paper, for if he did he would be made a slave’.