The Auckland University Press Anthology of New Zealand Literature

by Jane Stafford

  All available buildings and houses of every description were soon occupied and filled to overflowing by the settlers from every part of the country around. From lack of occupation of the land and desertion of their farms, it was found absolutely necessary to issue rations to most of the families in the place; thus, in a few days, this smiling Province was deserted and abandoned to a wretched tribe of lawless savages. The picture is now, indeed, reversed, and we must tell of that war which continued without intermission for twelve months.

  […]

  The day after the General’s arrival a rumour ran through the town that a large body of the Maories were about to attack it. This proceeded from an officer of Militia attached to the Staff, who hastily rode in and informed the General that he had met the hostile natives advancing. The alarm soon sounded; the soldiers rushed to their arms and places of parade; whilst the panic-struck inhabitants rushed frantically from their houses. The streets were now filled with parties of women and children, in all sorts of costume, eagerly hastening to Marsland Hill as a place of refuge, causing a scene for several hours which beggars all description. After this alarm and attendant confusion it was deemed advisable to withdraw the outposts and to concentrate the forces inside the town, leaving a small entrenched camp on Waireka Hill, besides the force at Waitara and the two blockhouses at Omata and Bell Block. A more circumscribed line of entrenchment was without delay carried round the town, and all the gardens and hedges in the suburbs were levelled to prevent a cover to the enemy. Again and again were orders issued, and vessels chartered, for the removal of the women and children; but as these orders were in many instances not complied with, other measures were resorted to, which, evincing a lack of courtesy, and being of a dictatorial character, caused much bitterness against the authorities, which, with a more conciliatory tone, would have proved more effectual.

  Mr Wellman, a leading man in the Settlement, as well as Mr St Pierre, who had even a larger property and interest at stake, were not consulted on any matter, and they felt deeply this lack of courtesy towards them: their interest and that of their fellow-colonists being entirely ignored by the withdrawing of the outposts, and which up to this period protected the property around them. As a natural consequence, by their removal, the marauders became inspired with greater confidence; and, renewing their aggressive warfare, burnt, pillaged and destroyed everything, approaching even to within one mile of the town entrenchments. The policy of this line of proceeding was considered very doubtful by many, but we are not competent judges to form any opinion of its value. It was certainly at variance with the recorded opinion of the Governor, who frequently advised more prompt and active measures and the following up of our successes, which in all probability would have brought this disastrous war to a more speedy conclusion. However, caution was the order of the day, with what results will be hereafter seen.

  […]

  A few days after the letter to his mother, mentioned in the preceding chapter, was despatched, peace being proclaimed with China, Herbert St Pierre sent in his papers to retire, and having received a year’s leave from headquarters, set out in a steamer for Ceylon, where he picked up once more the Australian packet, and proceeded to Sydney and via Nelson to New Plymouth. Here he arrived about the end of November, a short time after the brilliant action at Mahoetahi.

  How different was St Pierre’s landing now! How altered were his feelings! How changed was the appearance of the place! When first he saw New Plymouth, a scattered village, with gay gardens neatly trimmed and shady bowers covered with roses; and clematis here and there were interspersed over the verandahs of the cottages; ’midst the larger houses of trade a few busy labouring men or a rustic lass a-shopping in gayer attire might be seen, with groups of merry children running by; the careful teamster, with his team of sleek, well-fed bullocks, urging them along with his well-filled waggon of hay or corn, singing as he passed down the street; whilst round the town the more cozy villas, with larger gardens, encircled with the bright-blossomed hedges or fruitful branches of peach and apple, cherry and plum, drooping with their weight of luscious store, or the clustering vine o’er the trellised walks by the babbling stream. Beyond, again, were seen the well-kept fields, rich in pasture, filled with herds and flocks, then in golden colour, bright with ripening corn.

  Alas! all now was changed. A line of palisades enclosed the town in narrow limits, outside of which was a deep entrenchment. Mount Elliot, formerly a pretty green mound overlooking the landing-place, was a complete redoubt, with counterscarp, horn-work and ravelin; whilst the enclosure was filled with tents, gun carriages, guns, and other munitions of war. The custom’s stores and boat-sheds were also palisaded round, the former loop-holed and converted into a blockhouse, and filled with soldiers. As you entered the town from the sea, to right and left were blockhouses within the palisades; and several hastily-built houses were everywhere erected within the town entrenchments for the soldiery, surplus inhabitants, picquet-houses and storerooms, without any regard to appearance or position. On the market places and on the town reserves were encampments with tents; whilst the little gardens and neat trellises alluded to had disappeared, and sheds or tents took up the place of the former, the latter, from neglect, had vanished. Instead of the farm labourer and town-artisan was the hasty step of the soldier; in place of the merry group of children was the mournful knot of care-worn men, all with arms, showing they were of the Militia; in place of the teamster’s song and farming carts, was heard the shrill note of the bugle-call and the tumbril and gun-carriage. Here were a group of officers parading near a body of armed men. Here walked by, with hasty stride, an orderly, or a mounted escort dashed over the hill. All spoke of war and preparation for war.

  […]

  It seemed to be the policy of the present rulers that when any decisive movement or action took place, to pause for days after, e’re another move was taken; and according to the opinion of many, this unnecessary delay and the not following up an advantage, protracted the war, and gave the enemy not only time to recover their loss, but to make extra preparation for any subsequent advance.

  Thus at Kahihi, if the force had then proceeded into the enemy’s country three days’ march, and destroyed even the pahs in sight, it would have so crippled the Southern natives that they would not have dared to invade or ravage the Taranaki district the second time, as will be seen they did.

  Again, all agree that if the reserve of upwards of five hundred men, fresh and not engaged, had, after the signal victory at Mahoetahi, advanced on Huirangi, they not only would have come up with and easily defeated the five hundred men said to have been the support, and now disheartened in full retreat, but they would have driven them entirely from the district, and have made them gladly sue for peace.

  A dissertation on the pros and cons—of the wisdom or folly—of these proceedings, is not our object, and we only write of what we have heard in every one’s mouth, and state the facts to allow them to answer the question. With the exception of one or two large bodies of troops sent out as reconnoitring parties, as detailed thus, no regular movement was made until the 28th of December, nearly two months after the battle of Mahoetahi; and we find that then a force of about fifteen hundred men, with two eight-inch guns, four howitzers, and several mortars, proceeded to Waitara.

  […]

  A more sanguinary affair, however, came off on the morning of the 23rd, in which St Pierre was actively engaged. The level plain of the Waitara is bounded by a chain of hills which converge to this plain in thick bush; along the border was a row of peach trees, where in former and more peaceful times was the favorite halting place for our friends and others in their excursions to the valley of the Waitara. About one mile distant, between this grove and the river, in direction towards the sea, was an elevated block called Matorikoriko, similar to Puketakauere, from which it is distant about a mile and a-half. It is a very commanding position, and on it was a strongly-fortified pah, taken by our forces on the 31st December,
as described above; the pah being destroyed, a stockade was without delay built there, and a force left to garrison it.

  Near this peach grove was another pah, strongly defended by a line of rifle pits; and half-a-mile to the rear, on the spur of this chain of hills, and commanding the river and the plain, was the principal pah of the rebel chieftain Te Arei. All approaches to this pah were, it was supposed, occupied and defended by a row of rifle pits. From spur to spur, and height to height, bush of heavy timber intervened, over rough and unequal ground. From Kairou, therefore, where the first redoubt was built, the level plain extended about a thousand yards to the peach grove and Huirangi pah. These places had been before taken by the troops; but now that some two or three months were allowed them without advancing on them, they were again occupied by the rebels and strongly fortified, so that now it was deemed advisable to approach them more cautiously, with redoubts and a sap. Thus, at a distance of five hundred yards from No. 1 redoubt, came a smaller one, and again, some three or four hundred yards, at an angle, came a larger one, No. 3. There the 40th were ordered on the 22nd, and thus, on the 23rd, we read:—

  Before daylight this morning, about one hundred and forty natives contrived, under cover of the darkness, to creep into the ditch of No. 3 redoubt unobserved by the sentries, and had prepared to scale the embankment by scraping steps with tomahawks and their fingers. At the grey of morning the sentry perceived one man—the last of the party—creeping to the brow of the ditch; he fired on him and was immediately shot dead himself.

  The garrison, consisting of the greater part of the 40th, under command of Colonel Leslie, met the attack with great promptitude, and a scene ensued which baffles description. Our troops, as fast as they could load their rifles, fired down over the parapet, and the artillerymen, with great coolness, cut short the fuses of the shell, and, lighting them, pitched them over into the trench with frightful execution. Lieutenant Jackson, 40th regiment, while in the act of firing at a native, over the parapet, with a revolver, was shot through the head, and fell mortally wounded. Some natives succeeded in getting so far up the parapet that they were bayonetted by the garrison. This sanguinary conflict was prolonged till daylight, when the support came up from the Kairou, a party of the 65th attacking the rebels on their right flank, while the 12th attacked them on the left of the redoubt; here they met the rebel reserve, who rose out of the fern, it is said, like a flock of birds. These were charged by the 12th at the point of the bayonet, and those of the natives who could turned and fled, leaving many behind them. It was all over before six a.m., and in the trench of the redoubt and around lay forty-nine bodies of the rebels, five only of whom were alive. Forty-one were buried in a grave between Nos. 2 and 3 redoubts, others were buried by the friendly natives. Thirteen chief men are stated to be amongst the slain, but many of the bodies were beyond identification. The wounded natives are all dangerously so. Our casualties are five killed and eleven wounded.

  At this juncture, and while we were still hearing of the above engagement, the ‘Star Queen’ arrived with three hundred and fifty of the 57th regiment from Poona and Bombay, but still, in spite of this success and the easy victory within our grasp, by a hasty advance, after the defeat of the redoubt attack, the advancing troops were recalled, and no farther movement save a continuation of a double sap over the level plains towards the peach groves, thus giving the rebels time to recover from their loss and regain spirit, and add rifle pits on every commanding spot.

  (1861)

  Wiremu Tamihana Tarapipipi Te Waharoa, Letter to His Excellency the Governor from the Runanga assembled at Ngaruawahia, from the Taranaki Herald

  Friend the Governor,—Salutations to you. This is a word to you from the Maori Runanga. Hearken! This is our thought to you: Tell us of the death for this island first, and let the fighting be afterwards. Let not the proceeding be like that in the case of Taranaki, which we and you worked at in the dark; we did not understand what was the good of that quarrel. Let you and me deliberate carefully this time; these are our thoughts at the present time. We hear ‘korero’ (reports), the talk which is going about Waikato, and comes from where you are: that the General insists upon (urges) a war with Waikato. If this report is correct, write to us; let the talk come first, and do you carefully weigh the matter (turn the matter over in your mind). Let this be the result of reflection, even the withdrawal of the troops, who we hear are clearing the roads. If a stockade is made for the soldiers at Te Hia (Mangatawiri), and at other places, our opinion is this:—Be not in haste to begin hostilities; let us duly remember the words of St James, ‘Slow to wrath, swift to hear’. This, O Governor, is what we think; do you look to these things, even fighting with words against the errors or offences of the Maories, and let it (the offence) be clearly laid down, that the eyes of the great and of the small may clearly perceive it, ere you be swift to wrath. This is our policy: We are not going to rise up to fight: rather will we wait until the eyes have seen, the ears heard, and understanding has entered into the heart; then shall we see what is the good of fighting, and there will be a just cause for the chastisement inflicted upon evil men, that is, us Maories.

  But now, oh Friend! restrain your angry feelings against all parts of New Zealand. Let our warfare be that of the lips alone. If such be the course pursued by us it will be a long path, our days will be many while engaged in fighting that battle. Let it not be transferred to the battle (fought) with hands. That is a bad road, a short path; our days will not be many while engaged with the edge of the sword. But do you, the first-born of God’s sons, consider these things. Let not you and me be committed to the short path; let us take the circuitous one; though circuitous, its windings are upon firm ground.

  PROVERB.

  Not by the direct path, that means traveller’s fare (short commons). Let us take the circuitous route, that means abundance, or the portion of the stayer at home.

  No more, oh friend. It is for you to interpret the meaning of these proverbs. There are more to come. No more,

  From the Runanga Maori.

  (1861)

  Preservationism

  George Grey, Preface to Polynesian Mythology, and Ancient Traditional History of the New Zealand Race, as Furnished by their Priests and Chiefs

  Towards the close of the year 1845 I was suddenly and unexpectedly required by the British Government to administer the affairs of New Zealand, and shortly afterwards received the appointment of Governor-in-Chief of those Islands.

  When I arrived in them, I found Her Majesty’s native subjects engaged in hostilities with the Queen’s troops, against whom they had up to that time contended with considerable success; so much discontent also prevailed generally amongst the native population, that where disturbances had not yet taken place, there was too much reason to apprehend they would soon break out, as they shortly afterwards did, in several parts of the Islands.

  I soon perceived that I could neither successfully govern, nor hope to conciliate, a numerous and turbulent people, with whose language, manners, customs, religion, and modes of thought I was quite unacquainted. In order to redress their grievances, and apply remedies, which would neither wound their feelings, nor militate against their prejudices, it was necessary that I should be able thoroughly to understand their complaints; and to win their confidence and regard, it was also requisite that I should be able at all times, and in all places, patiently to listen to the tales of their wrongs or sufferings, and, even if I could not assist them, to give them a kind reply, couched in such terms as should leave no doubt on their minds that I clearly understood and felt for them, and was really well disposed towards them.

  Although furnished with some very able interpreters, who gave me assistance of the most friendly nature, I soon found that even with their aid I could still only very imperfectly perform my duties. I could not at all times and in all places have an interpreter by my side; and thence often when waylaid by some suitor, who had, perhaps, travelled two or three hundred miles to lay be
fore me the tale of his or her grievances, I was compelled to pass on without listening, and to witness with pain an expression of sorrow and keenly disappointed hope cloud over features which the moment before were bright with gladness, that the opportunity so anxiously looked for had at length been secured.

  Again, I found that any tale of sorrow or suffering, passing through the medium of an interpreter, fell much more coldly on my ear, than what it would have done had the person interested addressed the tale direct to myself; and in like manner an answer delivered through the intervention of a third person, appeared to leave a very different impression upon the suitor to what it would have had coming direct from the lips of the Governor of the country. Moreover, this mode of communication through a third person was so cumbrous and slow, that, in order to compensate for the loss of time thus occasioned, it became necessary for the interpreters to compress the substance of the representations made to me, as also of my own replies, into the fewest words possible; and as this had in each instance to be done hurriedly, and at the moment, there was reason to fear that much that was material to enable me fully to understand the question brought before me, or the suitor to comprehend my reply, might be unintentionally omitted. Lastly, I had on several occasions reasons to believe that a native hesitated to state facts, or to express feelings and wishes, to an interpreter, which he would most gladly have done to the Governor, could he have addressed him direct.

  These reasons and others of equal force made me feel it to be my duty to make myself acquainted, with the least possible delay, with the language of the New Zealanders, as also with their manners, customs, and prejudices. But I soon found that this was a far more difficult matter than I had at first supposed. The language of the New Zealanders is a very difficult one to understand thoroughly: there was then no dictionary of it published (unless a vocabulary can be so called); there were no books published in the language which would enable me to study its construction; it varied altogether in form from any of the ancient or modern languages which I knew; and my thoughts and time were so occupied with the cares of the government of a country then pressed upon by many difficulties, and with a formidable rebellion raging in it, that I could find but very few hours to devote to the acquisition of an unwritten and difficult language. I, however, did my best, and cheerfully devoted all my spare moments to a task, the accomplishment of which was necessary to enable me to perform properly every duty to my country and to the people I was appointed to govern.