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The Omnibus Homo Sacer

Page 75

by Giorgio Agamben


  rise above the order of change ruled over by Fate in virtue of the stability of their

  position close to the supreme Godhead. (Ibid., p. 105)

  Here, providence and fate appear as two powers that are hierarchically coordi-

  nated, in which a sovereign decision determines the general principles of the

  organization of the cosmos, and then entrusts its administration and execution

  to a subordinated, yet autonomous, power ( gestio is the juridical term that indi-

  cates the discretionary character of the acts carried out by one subject on behalf

  of another). The fact that there are issues that are directly decided by sovereign

  providence, and thus remain alien to destiny’s management, does not refute the

  division of power on which the system relies. The magistra explains to her be-

  wildered disciple that the government of the world is all the better (“res optime

  reguntur”: ibid.) if simplicity, remaining in the divine mind, lets the destinal

  connection of the causes take its course, that is, if sovereign providence (the

  Kingdom—Boethius speaks explicitly of a “regnum providentiae”: ibid.) lets fate

  (the Government) administer and constrain the actions of men (“fate holds sway

  over the acts and fortunes of men”: ibid.).

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  HOMO SACER II, 4

  From this follows the fated and miraculous character that seems to cover the

  actions of government. Since the transcendent sovereign knows and decides what

  fate later constrains in the immanent connection of the causes, to the one who is

  taken by these, fate—that is, government—appears as a majestic and impenetra-

  ble miracle (“Hic iam fit illud fatalis ordinis insigne miraculum, cum ab sciente

  geritur quod stupeant ignorantes”: ibid.). And although things may appear to

  be unjust and confused, and evil people seem to triumph while the good suffer,

  everything that happens is nevertheless promptly inscribed in the providential

  order. As a matter of fact, even evil people actually desire the good, but they are

  perverted in their desire by error: nothing takes place as a consequence of evil,

  and the providential government can never change its course (“Nihil est quod

  mali causa ne ab ipsis quidem improbis fiat; quos [ . . . ] bonum quaerentes pra-

  vus error avertit, nedum ordo de summi boni cardine proficiens a suo quoquam

  deflectat exordio”: ibid.).

  Let us now try to analyze the curious relation that links providence to fate in

  the governmental machine. Although they are clearly different, they are never-

  theless merely two aspects of a single divine action, the duplex modus of a single activity of the government of the world that, with a knowing terminological

  ambiguity, presents itself now as providence and now as fate, now as intelli-

  gence and now as dispositio, now as transcendent and now as immanent, now

  as contracted in the divine mind and now as unfolded in time and space. The

  activity of government is, at the same time, providence, which thinks and orders

  the good of everybody, and destiny, which distributes the good to individuals,

  constraining them to the chain of causes and effects. In this way, what on one

  level—that of fate and individuals—appears as incomprehensible and unjust,

  receives on another level its intelligibility and justification. In other words, the

  governmental machine functions like an incessant theodicy, in which the King-

  dom of providence legitimates and founds the Government of fate, and the lat-

  ter guarantees the order that the former has established and renders it operative.

  א Salvian, bishop of Marseille in the fifth century, begins his treatise De gubernatione Dei by evoking in passing the pagan sources of a doctrine of providence. First of all Pythagoras, then Plato “and all the Platonic Schools,” who “acknowledge God as the

  governor of all creation,” the Stoics, who “bear witness that He remains, taking the place of the governor [ gubernatoris vice], within that which He directs”; last, Virgil and Cicero, whom he quotes—like the previous authors—from secondary sources (Salvian, 1, 1, p. 27).

  In fact, Salvian knows the classical authors only through the citations of the Apologists; the formation of his doctrine of providence is entirely independent of the governmental

  paradigm that we have so far reconstructed in late classical philosophy (in particular,

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  489

  it lacks any reference to the bipartition general/special providence). His examples are

  almost exclusively limited to the Bible, where the divine providence expresses itself most especially in the guise of judgment and punishment.

  However, it is significant that even in this context the providential paradigm tends

  to constitute itself in the guise of government. The metaphor of the gubernator remains closely linked to its naval origin, but is also broadened to include what for Salvian are

  the three aspects of every activity of government:

  What could they have felt more proper and more reverent regarding the concern

  and watchfulness of God than to have likened Him to a helmsman [ gubernatori]?

  By this they understood that as the helmsman in charge of a ship never lifts

  his hand from the tiller [ gubernaculo], so does God never remove His inmost

  attention from the world. Just as the helmsman steers, completely dedicated in

  mind and body to his task, taking advantage of the wind, avoiding the rocks

  and watching the stars, in like manner our God never puts aside the function

  [ munus] of His most loving watch over the universe. Neither does He take away

  the guidance [ regimen] of His providence, nor does He remove the tenderness

  [ indulgentiam] of His mercy. (Ibid., p. 28)

  The second book of the treatise is devoted to the definition, through Biblical examples

  ( per testimonia sacra), of the three figures of providence, which Salvian defines as praesentia, gubernatio, and iudicium, and which constitute an extraordinary anticipation of the modern tripartition of powers; here, however, these are reunited in a single holder.

  Presence, which corresponds to sovereignty, is symbolized by the eye that invigilates and

  sees; government is symbolized by a hand that leads and corrects; judgment (judiciary

  power) is symbolized by the word that judges and condemns. Yet, the three powers are

  strictly entwined and imply one another:

  His presence should first be proved, because He who will rule or judge must

  doubtless be present in order to rule or judge. The divine Word, speaking through

  the Holy Scripture, says: “The eyes of the Lord, in every place, behold good and

  evil.” Behold here God is present, looking upon us, watching us through His

  vision wherever we are [ . . . ] The good are watched over for the sake of preserving

  them; the evil, that they may be destroyed [ . . . ] Let us now see whether He

  who watches governs us, although the very reason for His watchfulness [ ratio

  aspiciendi] has within itself the cause of His governance [ causam ( . . . ) gubernandi]. He does not watch us with this end in view: that, having beheld, He may neglect us. The very fact that He deigns to watch is to be understood as

  non-neglect, especially since, as Scripture has already testified, the wicked are

  observed for their destruction, the good for their salvation. By this very fact the

  economy of the divine government [ dispensatio divini gubernaculi] is shown, for

  it is the function
of just government to govern and deal with men individually,

  according to their respective merits. (Ibid., pp. 55–57)

  490

  HOMO SACER II, 4

  5.10. The theological paradigm of government is contained in Thomas Aqui-

  nas’s treatise De gubernatione mundi ( Summa Theologiae, 1, qq. 103– 113). Here, government is not defined thematically, but through the articulation of a series

  of quaestiones, which progressively determine its specific characters. First of all, government is opposed to chance, just as order is opposed to what happens

  fortuitously:

  Some of the earliest philosophers, in maintaining that everything happens by

  chance, excluded any sort of government from the world. But this opinion is

  proved impossible on two counts. The first is the evidence present in the world

  itself. For we observe among beings of nature that what is best comes to pass

  either always or most of the time. This would not be the case were there not

  some providence guiding such beings to an end, the good. Such guidance is what

  government means. Therefore this regular pattern in things clearly points to the

  world’s being governed. An example from Cicero, quoting Aristotle: if you were

  to go into a well-laid-out home, from its arrangement you would get a good idea

  of the arranger’s plan. (Ibid., 1, q. 103, a. 1)

  The second reason seems to come closer to a definition of government and con-

  cerns the appropriateness that the things created by God reach their end: “The

  highest perfection of any being consists in the attaining of its end. Hence it is

  appropriate to God’s goodness that, as he has brought things into being, he

  also guides them toward their end. This is what governing them means” (ibid.).

  The generic meaning of governing is thus “guiding creatures toward their end.”

  Thomas specifies that created things need to be governed since, if they were not

  preserved by the manus gubernatoris, they would fall back into the nothingness

  from which they originated. But in what way is the divine government of the

  world carried out? It is by no means a matter of a force that, following a com-

  mon representation, intervenes from the outside and directs the creatures, like

  the shepherd’s hand leads his sheep. What defines divine government is (in a

  resumption of the Aristotelian identity between archē and physis) the fact that it fully coincides with the very nature of the things that it directs. Following a

  paradox that perfectly corresponds to the structure of the order, the divine gov-

  ernment of creatures has no other content than the natural necessity inherent

  in things:

  The natural necessity inherent in things that are fixed on one set course is itself an

  imprint, as it were, from God’s guidance of them to their end, even as the trueness

  of the arrow’s flight toward the target is an impetus from the archer and not from

  the arrow itself. Note this difference, however, that what creatures receive from

  God constitutes their nature; what a man imposes artificially on the beings of

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  nature is a coercion. The comparison then is this: a necessity of propulsion in the

  arrow’s flight is a sign of the archer’s aiming it; a necessity of nature in creatures

  is a sign of the provident God’s governing them. (Ibid., q. 103, a. 1, ad 3)

  Therefore, government defines itself as a very particular form of activity, which is

  necessarily not violent (in the sense of “against nature,” which this term assumes

  in medieval thought—as opposed to spontaneus, qui sponte fit) and articulates itself by means of the very nature of governed things. Divine government and the

  self-government of the creature coincide; governing can only mean— according

  to a paradigm that the physiocrats and the theoreticians of the “science de

  l’ordre,” from Le Trosne to Mercier de la Rivière, would rediscover five centuries

  later—knowing the nature of things and letting it act.

  If, however, this identity between natural order and government were both

  absolute and undifferentiated, government would then be a worthless activity,

  which, given the original imprint of nature at the moment of creation, would

  simply coincide with passivity and laissez-faire. But this is not the case. It is in

  the answer given to the questions “whether God is active in every agent cause”

  and “whether God has the power to do anything outside of the order inherent

  in creation” that the concept of government receives its specific determinations.

  Thomas was facing (or rhetorically pretended to be facing) two opposed theses:

  that of “Islamic fate,” according to which God acts immediately in every natu-

  ral action with a continuous miracle (“solus Deus immediate omnia operatur”:

  ibid., 1, q. 105, a. 5) and, on the other hand, that according to which the inter-

  vention of God is limited to the original gift of nature and of the virtus operandi

  at the moment of creation.

  Thomas argues that the Islamic thesis is impossible because it amounts to

  eliminating the order of causes and effects in creation. As a matter of fact, if fire

  did not warm us because of the disposition of its own nature, but because God

  intervened to produce heat each time that we light a fire, then all creation, de-

  prived of its operative virtue, would become useless: “If all creatures are utterly

  devoid of any activity of their own, then they themselves would seem to have a

  pointless [ frustra] existence, since everything exists for the sake of its operation”

  (ibid.). On the other hand, the opposite thesis that intends to safeguard the

  freedom of creatures drastically separates them from God and threatens to make

  them fall back into the nothingness from which they originated. How can we

  then reconcile divine government with the self-government of creatures? How

  can government coincide with the nature of things and yet intervene with it?

  As we have seen, the solution of this aporia passes through the strategic dis-

  tinction between first and second causes, primum agens and secundi agentes. If we

  492

  HOMO SACER II, 4

  consider the world and the order of things as dependent on the first cause, then

  God cannot intervene in the world or do anything outside of or against it, “be-

  cause then he would be doing something contrary to his foreknowledge, his will

  or his goodness” (ibid., 1, q. 105, a. 6). The proper space of an action of govern-

  ment of the world is not, therefore, the necessary space of the ordo ad Deum and

  of first causes, but the contingent one of the ordo ad invicem and of second causes.

  If we take the order in things as it depends on any of the secondary causes, then

  God can act apart [ praeter] from it; he is not subject to that order but rather it is subject to him, as issuing from him not out of a necessity of nature, but by

  decision of his will. He could in fact have established another sort of pattern in

  the world; hence when he so wills, he can act apart from the given order [ praeter

  hunc ordinem institutum], producing, for example, the effects of secondary causes

  without them or some effects that surpass the powers of these causes. (Ibid.)

  In its preeminent form, the sphere of divine action praeter ordinem rerum is

  the mira
cle (“Unde illa quae a Deo fiunt prater causas nobis notas, miracula

  dicuntur”: ibid., 1, q. 105, a. 7).

  This action of government is, however, only possible (as we have already

  seen in Augustine) insofar as God, as first cause, gives to creatures their form

  and preserves them in being (“dat formam creaturis agentibus, et eas tenet in

  esse”: ibid., 1, q. 105, a. 5). He therefore acts intimately within things (“ipse Deus

  est proprie causa ipsius esse universalis in rebus omnibus, quod inter omnia est

  magis intimum rebus; sequitur quod Deus in omnibus intime operetur”: ibid.).

  At this point, the meaning of the structural splitting of the ordo and its

  nexus with the bipartite system Kingdom/Government, ontology/ oikonomia,

  begins to become evident. The Kingdom concerns the ordo ad deum, the rela-

  tion of creatures to the first cause. In this sphere, God is impotent or, rather,

  can act only to the extent that his action always already coincides with the

  nature of things. On the other hand, the Government concerns the ordo ad

  invicem, the contingent relation of things between themselves. In this sphere,

  God can intervene, suspending, substituting, or extending the action of the

  second causes. Yet, the two orders are functionally linked, in the sense that it

  is God’s ontological relation with creatures—in which he is, at the same time,

  absolutely intimate with them and absolutely impotent—that founds and legit-

  imates the practical relation of government over them; within this relation (that

  is, in the field of the second causes) his powers are unlimited. The splitting be-

  tween being and praxis that the oikonomia introduces in God actually functions

  like a machine of government.

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  493

  5.11. From this fundamental bipolar articulation of God’s power over the

  world also derives the other essential character of the divine activity of govern-

  ment, that is, its being split between a power of rational deliberation and an ex-

  ecutive power, which necessarily entails a plurality of mediators and “ministers.”

  Answering the question “whether all things are governed by God immediately,”

  Thomas begins by stating that “with respect to government two elements are to

 

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