The Prophet and the Reformer
Page 31
Kane and Buchanan were rivals in the Pennsylvania Democratic Party with
a combative political history. Thomas Kane recognized that Buchanan “had
never known [me] except as his opponent in our State.”33 Young initially sent
the January 7 letter by the eastbound mail (under contract by the Mormons’
Y.X. Carrying Company), but snow forced the couriers to return after two days.
He thus wrote the second letter, on January 31, and sent both by the south-
bound (and snow-free) California–Panama route.34
31. Y
oung to George A. Smith, John Taylor, and John M. Bernhisel, January 3, 1857, BYOF.
32.“Memorial and Resolutions to the President of the United States, Concerning Certain Officers of the Territory of Utah,” January 6, 1857, Utah State Archives, in MacKinnon, At Sword’s Point, 68–73.
33. Kane, “Concerning the Mormons and Pres. Buchanan,” Kane Papers, APS, in Poll,
“Thomas L. Kane,” 123.
34. MacKinnon, At Sword’s Point, 73–74.
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the prOphet And the refOrmer
Source
Young to Kane, January 7, 1857, Thomas L. Kane Papers, Yale University.
Retained copy is in Brigham Young Letterbooks, box 3, vol. 3, 273–277.
Letter
Great Salt Lake City, Jan. 7. 1857
Dear Sir,
Again do I venture to break the silence of intervening months, and
draw upon your time and perhaps patience long enough to read a line or
two from your old friend.
Well, we in the mountains are still alive, the loss of crops has not
starved us, not the cold winters frozen us, nor are we disheartened nor
discouraged. We have met with a severe loss and affliction in the death
of our mutual friend Jedediah M. Grant, who died at his residence
in this city on the first day of December last.35 He had been laboring
excessively in a public capacity which brought him upon the bed of
sickness, from which he was unable to rise. He has gone to try the reali-
ties of that world to which we are all hastening, and that faith in which
he trusted with an unshaken confidence to the latest moment of his
existence this side the vail. He has triumphed, and has gone to rest with
Willard, Joseph, Hyrum, father Smith, and others of the faithful saints
who have fallen in the faith of Jesus.36 With them he will come forth
in the Resurrection morn and receive a crown of glory, exaltation and
eternal lives in the celestial Kingdom of our God.
In regard to other matters, through the Providence of God and doubt-
less the influence and favor of kind friends I am still Governor of Utah.37
35. Y
oung wrote that Grant had died after his “labors proved too much for him.” After coming down with a “slight cold,” his sickness escalated and “proved fatal.” His death was “very unexpected and sudden.” See Young to John Bernhisel, December 7, 1856, BYOF. William Appleby told Young on April 1 that Kane “spoke feelingly in relation to Br Grants decease”
and remarked “I did not know I loved him so well.” Appleby to Young, April 1, 1857, BYOF.
36. Young referred to Willard Richards, Joseph Smith, Hyrum Smith, and John Smith.
37. In July 1856, Bernhisel noted that reports were being circulated that President Franklin Pierce would remove Young from the office of territorial governor. Pierce denied this claim and, by August, Bernhisel was convinced that Young was secure in his position. Kane possibly exercised some influence with the president to preserve Young’s seat. See Bernhisel to Young, July 17 and August 18, 1856, BYOF.
Young to Kane, January 7, 1857
207
In this I shall ever appreciate the kindness of Col. Kane and shall hold
myself in readiness to reciprocate whenever opportunity shall occur.
A new Administration is about stepping into power and one which
if I understand aright our constant friend will still exercise at least his
usual amount of influence.
Having the eternal principle of right constantly in view & not fear-
ing the attribution by my friends of any unworthy or selfish motive
and not regarding either the opinions or sayings of my enemies, prob-
ably emboldens me without apology or misgivings to solicit at this
time the interest which you possess or can influence in behalf of my
reappointment. [p. 2]
We of Utah consider that we are entitled to some consideration in
regard to having behaved so well for several years past, all the inter-
esting features of rebellion, anarchy and confusion have been enacted
elsewhere,38 except indeed what has been enacted in some fast news
papers which can generally hash up a dish of bloody interest to suit the
greedy maw of their readers at a moment’s notice, who have occasion-
ally located their scenes, or tragical romance in this Territory.39
What further I wish to suggest is simply this which if we should gain
admission into the Union would of course be accomplished. We desire
to have a voice in the selection of our officers.40 We desire that they may
be selected from among our citizens.41 We believe that the interest of the
Federal Government as well as of the Territory would be promoted by
pursuing this course. Look at the former appointees to this Territory and
38. Y
oung was perhaps referring to the ongoing tumult in Kansas following the 1854 passage of the Kansas–Nebraska Act. The clashes in Kansas between anti-slavery and pro-slavery forces were followed closely by the Deseret News. See “The Kansas Troubles,” July 18, 1855, 4;
“More Trouble in Kansas,” Deseret News, April 9, 1856, 1; “The Admission of Kansas,” Deseret News, September 24, 1856, 6. In October 1856, John Taylor quipped to Young, “Talk about us entering the Union; there is no union. There is a nominal, patched up, national, growling, disunited, quarreling confederacy; but no union.” Taylor to Young, October 17, 1856, BYOF.
39. For example, see “Very Interesting News from Utah,” New York Times, June 3, 1856.
40. Bernhisel warned Young throughout 1856 that the chances for admission as a state were grim, largely due to the Republicans’ avowal of an anti-polygamy platform. Bernhisel even forbade George A. Smith from speaking with congressmen about admission prospects. See Bernhisel to Young, November 19, 1856, BYOF, and Smith to Young, June 30 and July 9, 1856, BYOF.
41. By October 1856, Young had specific individuals in mind for the territorial appointees. See Young to Bernhisel, October 29, 1856, BYOF; “Memorial and Resolutions to the President of the United States, Concerning Certain Officers of the Territory of Utah,” January 6, 1857.
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the prOphet And the refOrmer
see what they have done. We allege without fear of successful contradic-
tion that through them alone have we been more in danger of having our
peaceful relations interrupted not only with the various departments of
government, but with the Indians of the Territory, than from any other
cause. How they do this is the question with you. I will relate. In the first
place when they come here they feel they are “some pumpkins,” big
with the idea of office, they come to accept the homage and most hum-
ble duty of the people instead of identifying their interest with them,
and seeking for them favors and privileges from the parent government.
No, they have never expressed a single desire, in thought word or deed
in her behalf, but on the contrary acted the part of spies, and with g
reedy
ears drank up every idle report which floated upon the trembling breeze,
dished it up after their own fashion for the entertainment of the wise
acres at Washington, which to their credit be it spoken have generally
treated such according to their just deserts, namely, silent contempt, still
although they have not as yet acted much upon [p. 3] their false and foul
representations, it has its influence and frequently hedges up the way of
other things which would be beneficial to the Territory.
The other case of tampering with the Indians, is using the govern-
ment patronage by the Agents to predjudice them against the people
of the Territory. These appointments will last even if we should be
admitted. To the Indians they will say these people will take your
lands from you, they will give you nothing, the Americans are your
friends, they will pay you blankets, guns, powder, lead, tobacco, beads,
scarlet cloth &c, for your land & they will be your very good friends.
Mormons are kotch wino (no good) and in a thousand other ways seek
to make and impress upon their minds a distinction between us and
the Americans, and exercise all possible influence to predjudice them
against us.42 The Judges have decided against our laws and endeav-
ored to drag in & enforce common law which had never been adopted
as the law of the land by the law-making department. The organic
act provides for setting aside our laws by act of Congress and not by
the puerile judges which happen to float here upon every political
breeze. Again how stands the case for the last six months of the foreign
42. Y
oung was probably referring to Indian agent Garland Hurt, who wrote to the
Commissioner of Indian Affairs George W. Manypenny “that these saints have, either acci-dentally or purposely, created a distinction in the minds of the Indian tribes of this Territory, between the Mormons and the people of the United States, that cannot act otherwise than prejudicial to the interests of the latter.” See Hurt to Manypenny, May 2, 1855, in Utah Expedition. Message from the President of the United States, 176.
Young to Kane, January 7, 1857
209
appointments?43 Absent from the Territory two judges, one United
States district Attorney, and, in consequence of the extravagant course
pursued by those judges, one marshal, who was compelled to go to
Washington to settle up his accounts to atone for their folly more
than his own.44 I will guess truly when I say no such bills would have
accrued if the judges had been selected from among the citizens of
the Territory. If the non-resident officers were
favor, the reverse of which is generally the case, they know nothing
of our characteristics, are unacquainted with our ways, mode of trans-
acting business, are bound up in strong traditions, forms, and techni-
calities,—hence unsuited for the times & place, and consequently our
peace and quietness constantly endangered.
It is a most foul imposition for men to come here and think act and
consider themselves as inheriting a kind of divine right [p. 4] to govern,
and rule over a people for whom they entertain no respect, but utterly
despise. They cannot think less of us than we do of them.45
They come here generally without misses expecting to find the usual
accommodations afforded in other parts of the world, and when detected
in their endeavors to carry into effect this disgraceful practice they abound
in making reports of awful iniquity and treason among the Mormons. How
think you must we feel towards men who we know if they had the power
would cut our throats? Now we know that we have just such men here by
the appointment of the Government, and we also know that they are con-
tinually striving to cause a disturbance between us and the Government, in
order to have the aforesaid amiable object accomplished. For substantiat-
ing evidence more forcibly illustrating this view of the case we refer you to
facts in the possession of Dr J. M. Bernhisel, Jno Taylor, and Geo A Smith.46
43. The Organic A
ct was the congressional legislation to officially create a territory. Young
argued that the Utah Organic Act only enabled Congress, not the federally appointed judges, to overturn acts of the territorial legislature.
44. Territorial marshal Joseph Heywood, a Mormon, had traveled to Washington along with Taylor and Smith the previous year to attempt to reimburse his expenses and those of the jurors forced to travel to participate in Drummond’s court. He gained a partial reimbursement before he was dismissed from his position by President Pierce. MacKinnon, At Sword’s Point, 56.
45. Latter-day Saints found Judge Drummond to be particularly culpable, as he had “often and in various ways transcended his authority and demeaned himself . . . like a dog or wolf, viscious and brutal, whining and ignorant.” Young to Bernhisel, October 29, 1856, BYOF.
46. Young likely referred to the “Memorial and Resolutions to the President of the United States Concerning Certain Officers of the Territory of Utah,” passed by the territorial legislature the previous day. MacKinnon, At Sword’s Point, 68. He had also written Smith, Taylor, and Bernhisel on January 3, BYOF.
210
the prOphet And the refOrmer
I will not trespass upon your time and patience by longer rehearsing
the awkward positions which such characters often place us in. Being
clothed with the dignity of the United States officers is the protection
they use and seem to think it sufficient to cover all their sins and trans-
gressions against an innocent people. Why not kick them out of the
Territory say you? That’s just it,—we intend to, the very first opportu-
nity. We are resolved that their United States’ official dignity shall no
longer screen them. But we do not wish to be placed in this dilemma.
The Declaration reads somewhere “deriving their just powers from the
consent of the governed.” We can neither vote for President, elect sena-
tors, nor representatives, (a delegate cannot vote) our superior officers
are all appointed by that President, and Senate, and our laws are liable
to be annulled by that Congress. What we ask is this. lst, Admission into
the Union. This failing, that the President select officers from among
the citizens of the Territory including Surveyor General and Indian
Agents, that we may have officers who feel an interest in her growth
and prosperity, [p. 5] and who will not malign the people, and cause
an almost if not quite hostile feeling to spring up between the General
Government and the people of the Territory.
We thus recommend ourselves to you honestly believing that we are
as willing to serve our country (this part of it) as we are to have anybody
else to serve it for us, and being better acquainted with the merits and
conditions of the people, better capable of doing it correctly.
Ever retaining a kind remembrance of past favors and wishing you
every blessing which you can in righteousness desire,
I remain, as ever,
Truly your friend,
Brigham Young
Col. Thos L. Kane
Philadelphia.
Pa.
33
Young to Kane, January 31, 1857
(Introduction combined with January 7, 1857)
Source
Young to Kane, January 31, 1857, Thomas L. Kane Papers, Yale University.
Retained copy is in Brigham Young Letterbooks, box 3, vol. 3, 354–356.
Letter
Great Salt Lake 31st Jany. 1857.
Utah Territory.
Col. Thomas L. Kane.
Philadelphia.
Dear Sir,
I wrote you at some length, under date 7th inst. but the carriers of that mail after being out 2 days on the mountains eastward, returned and the bags of this mo. will be taken out in February mail, including this letter.—If they can proceed on the 1st.
Shut out, as we are, some months in the year, from the rest of man-
kind, by our late mail arrangements, we we have not learned much of
the proceedings of men in the lower worlds, but in addition to the truth-
ful contents of my late letter; I learn from a Mr Gerresh
from the States, a> Mercht. here, a few facts, which I wish you to know,
& which you, peradventure, may use to our advantage, as you have on
former occasions.1
1. W
illiam Gerrish had also brought the signed commission for a new U.S. territorial
212
the prOphet And the refOrmer
One of the Judges sent out by the Government, Drummond by
name, after holding some Courts at our Capitol—Fillmore, near 150
miles So. of this city—foolish & expensive
Co. near Cala & has not since returned, nor do we expect him: but mark!
at the time he was incurring these expenses—keeping the marshal &
hundreds of our citizens travelling hundreds of miles, in the depth of
winter, through deep snow, or very soon after he had held these courts,
and perhaps even yet while these honest jurors & witnesses were
returning to their homes, in some of the most distance counties: this
dispenser of Justice! sits down, cooly and deliberately, and writes to
Washington, most emphatically [forbidding them to
test against the> pay
of which has since been traded for by the merchants here [p. 2] and the
results are self evident.2