by Thomas Wyatt
I say unto you, my good masters and Christian brethren, that if I might have had such help, as I spake of to my Lords before, counsel, and time, I doubt not but I should fully have satisfied your conscience, and have persuaded you. Nor I mean no such time as hath been had for the inventing, for the setting forth, for the indictment, for devisement of the dilating of the matters by my masters here of the King’s Majesty’s learned counsel; for it is three years that this matter is first begun: but I would have wished only so much time, that I might have read that they have penned; and penned too, that you might read. But that may not be. Therefore, I must answer directly to the accusation, which will be hard for me to remember.
The accusation comprehendeth the indictment, and all these worshipful men’s tales annexed thereunto. The length whereof, the cunning whereof, made by learned men, weaved in and out to persuade you and trouble me here and there, to seek to answer that is in the one afore, and in the other behind, may both deceive you and amaze me, if God put not in your heads honest wisdom to weigh these things as much as it ought to be. So to avoid the danger of your forgetting, and my trouble in the declaration, it is necessary to gather the whole process into these chief points, and unto them to answer directly, whereby ye shall perceive what be the principals, and what be the effects which these men craftily and wittingly have weaved together, that a simple man might hardly try the one from the other. Surely, but that I understand mine own matter, I should be too much to seek and accumbered in it. But, masters, this is more of law than of equity, of living than of uprightness, with such intricate appearances to blind men’s conscience; specially in the case of man’s life, where alway the naked truth is the goodliest persuasion. But to purpose.
Of the points that I am accused of, to my perceiving, these be the two marks whereunto mine accusers direct all their shot of eloquence. A deed and a saying. After this sort, in effect, is the deed alleged with so long words: “Wyatt, in so great trust with the King’s Majesty, that he made him his ambassador, and for whom his Majesty hath done so much, being ambassador, hath had intelligence with the King’s rebel and traitor Pole.” Touching the saying, amounteth to this much: “That same Wyatt, being also ambassador, maliciously, falsely, and traitorously said, that he feared that the King should be cast out of a cart’s tail; and that by God’s blood, if he were so, he were well served, and he would he were so.” The sole apparel of the rest of all this process pertaineth to the proofs of the one or other of these two points. But if these two points appear unto you to be more than false, maliciously invented, craftily disguised, and worse set forth, I doubt not but the rest of their proofs will be but reproofs in every honest man’s judgment. But let us come to the matter.
And here I beseech you, if any of you have brought with you already my judgment, by reason of such tales as ye have heard of me abroad, that ye will leave all such determination aside, and only weigh the matter as it shall be here apparent unto you. And besides that, think, I beseech you, that if it be sufficient for the condemnation of any man to be accused only, that then there is no man guiltless. But if for condemnation is requisite proof and declaration, then take me as yet not condemned, till thoroughly, advisedly, and substantially ye have heard and marked my tale.
First you must understand that my masters here, serjeant — and other of the King’s Counsel that allege here against me, were never beyond the sea with me, that I remember. They never heard me say any such words there, never saw me have any intelligence with Pole, nor my indicters neither. Wherein you must mark, that neither these men which talk here unsworn, nor the indictment at large, is to be regarded as an evidence. The indicters have found that I have done it If that be true, what need your trial? but if quests fetch their light at indictments at large, then is a man condemned unheard: then had my Lord Dacres been found guilty; for he was indicted at large by four or five quests; like was his matter avowed, affirmed, and aggravated by an help of learned men; but on all this the honourable and wise nobility did not once look; they looked at the evidence, in which they weighed, I suppose, the malice of his accusers, the unlikelihood of the things hanging together, and, chiefly of all, the substance of the matter and the proofs.
Who then accused me that ever he heard me, or saw me, or knew me to have intelligence with Pole by word, writing, or message to or fro? No man. Why so? For there is [no] such thing. Why art thou brought hither then? It is but a bare condemnation to say, “If I had not offended, I had not been brought hither.” That was their saying against Christ, that had nothing to say against him else.
But there is other matter for proofs hereof against me. There is the Right Reverend Father in God the Bishop of London, and Mr Dr Haynes, the King’s Chaplain, that depose against me. What sayest thou to this, Wyatt? These men were beyond the sea with thee, where thou sayest that neither the indicters nor we were there: these men of learning, of gravity, yea! and Ambassadors with thee too.
To this I say, this word “Intelligence” concludeth a familiarity or conferring of devices together, which may be by word, message, or writing, which the law forbiddeth to be had with any the King’s traitors, or rebels, pain of the like. Rehearse the law: declare, my Lords, I beseech you, the meaning thereof. Am I a traitor, because I spake with the King’s traitor? No, not for that, for I may bid him, “Avaunt, traitor:” or, “Defy him, traitor.” No man will take this for treason. But where he is holpen, counselled, advertised by my word, there lieth the treason. In writing it is like: in message it is like: for I may send him both letter and message of challenge, or defiance. But in any of these the suspect is dangerous; therefore whosoever would do any of these things, I would advise him that it appear well. And yet neither God’s law, nor man’s law, nor no equity condemneth a man for suspects: but for such a suspect, such a word, or writing, [that] may be so apparent by conjectures, or success of things afterwards, by vehement likelihoods, by conferring of things, and such like, that it may be a grievous matter.
But whereto do I declare this point? it is far out of my case: For if I ever spake word to him beyond the sea, and yet to my remembrance but once on this side; or if ever I wrote to him, or if I ever sent him word or message, I confess the action; let it be imputed to me for treason. I say not of word, message, or writing that should be abetting, aiding, comforting, or advertisement; but any at all, but only by his servant Trogmorton, at S. Daves, in France; which was in refusal of a present that he would have sent me of wine, and of other gear; of which thing I advertised, and it appeareth by my letters, the matter how it went; and there was present Chambers, Knowles, Mantell, Blage, and Mason, that heard what pleasant words I cherished him withal.
“Here were a great matter to blear your eyes withal,” say my accusers, “if you would believe Wyatt, that is not ashamed to lie so manifestly in judgment. Didst thou not send Mason unto him at Nice? Hast thou not confessed thyself? Hath not Mason confessed it? Hath not the Bishop of London and Haynes accused thee thereof?” Forsooth never a whit. Neither sent! Mason, nor have confessed that, nor Mason so confesseth, nor, I suppose, neither of my accusers do so allege. Call for them, Bonner and Haynes; their spirituality letteth not them from judgment out of the King’s Court. Let them be sworn. Their saying is, that Mason spake with Pole at Genes. Here do not they accuse me, they accuse Mason. Call forth Mason, swear him. He is defendant, his oath cannot be taken. What saith he at the least? He saith that Bonner, Haynes, and Wyatt, being all three the King’s ambassadors at Villa Franca besides Nice, that same Wyatt, being in great care for intelligence how the matters went there in great closeness, being an Emperor, a French King, a Bishop of Rome so nigh together, that all these lay within four miles treating upon a conclusion of peace by the hands and means of the Bishop of Rome, the King’s mortal enemy; Pole also his traitor being there practising against the King, the said Wyatt at a dinner devised and asked, “What if Mason did undermine Pole, to look if he could suck out anything of him, that were worth the King’s knowledge;” which then all
three thought good, and he accepted it, when he should see his time.
Doth Mason here accuse me, or confesseth, that I sent him on a message? What word gave I unto thee, Mason? What message? I defy all familiarity and friendship betwixt us, say thy worst. My accusers themselves aie accused in this tale, as well as I, if this be treason. Yea, and more: for whereas I confess frankly, knowing both my conscience and the thing clear of treason: they, belike mistrusting themselves, deny this. What they mean by denying of this: minister interrogatories. Let them have such thirty-eight as were ministered unto me; and their familiar friends examined in hold, and appear as well as I; and let us see what milk these men would yield. Why not? they are accused as well as I. Shall they be privileged, because they by subtle craft complained first? where I, knowing no hurt in the thing, did not complain likewise? But they are two. We are also two. As in spiritual courts men are wont to purge their fames, let us try our fames for our honesties, and we will give them odds. And if the thing be earnestly marked, theirs is negative, ours is affirmative. Our oaths ought to be received: theirs in this point cannot.
I say further, they are not the first openers of this matter, whereby they ought to be received. For what will they say? Bonner wrote this out of France long after he was gone from me out of Spain. And Haynes came home, whereas he remained ambassador in France. But Mason wrote this to the late Earl of Essex from Genes, where he had spoken with Pole, forthwith upon the speaking with him, I being here in England. For afore was I come from Villa Franca, sent to the Emperor from the King’s Majesty in post: for what purpose, or what service I did, I know the King’s Majesty hath esteemed more than I will ascribe unto myself; and it should but occupy the time, and instruct you little the better in the matter.
I say then, Mason wrote of this unto the Eail of Essex, and unto me also, which letters never came to my hands, nor unto the Earl of Essex’s hands neither, all a year after. And when Mason was examined here upon the same afore the Earl of Essex, the Duke of Suffolk, and, as I remember, the Bishop of Durham (I being in Spain), his papers and his things were sought and visited. And where Mason alleged these letters sent to the Earl of Essex, he sware he never received them; and in that search was found the minute of that same letter. And I think Mason no such fool, but in that letter he rehearsed, that upon our consent he went to Pole, and so after what he did. Upon this, so apparent, was Mason dismissed: and long after came the letters to the Earl of Essex’s hands. And this did the Earl of Essex tell me after my coming home out of Spain; and, as far as I remember, I learned that of Mr Bartlett, which was the Earl’s servant, that brought the minute with Mason’s papers. This I say, for that peradventure the letters cannot now be found; yet let him say what he knoweth. So that it is not to be believed, that Mason, then not being in doubt of any accusation, would have said in his letter that he went by the Ambassador’s consent, unless it had been so indeed. Therefore, I say, if our consents in this be treason, then are they in this as far in as I; and their negative requireth proof, and neither oath nor denial: and our oaths are to be taken in the affirmative, and not theirs in the negative: nor they are not to be received as the first openers, for Mason wrote it long before them. And they, belike, condemning themselves in taking it to be treason, would falsely lay it unto us, that frankly confess it without thought of treason. But you may see how their falsehood hangeth together.
These men thinketh it enough to accuse: and as all these slanderers use for a general rule, “Whom thou lovest not, accuse; for though he heal the wound, yet the scar shall remain.”
But you will say unto me, What is it to thy declaration, whether they have offended or no? Thou confessest, that thou consentest to his going to the King’s traitor: how avoidest thou that? What didst thou mean by that, or what authority hadst thou so to do?
This is it, that I would ye should know, good masters, as well as God knoweth; and it shall be clear enough anon, without suspect, unto you.
But first, if that suspect should have been well and lawfully grounded, before it had come as far as accusation; it should have been proved between Pole and me kin, acquaintance, familiarity, or else accord of opinions, whereby it might appear, that my consent to Mason’s going to him should be for naughty purpose: or else there should have been brought forth some success since, some letters, if none of mine, at the least of some others, some confession of some of his adherents that have been examined or suffered.
But what? There is none. Why so? Thou shalt as soon find out oil out of a flint stone, as find any such thing in me. What I meant by it is declared unto you. It was little for my avail: it was to undermine him; it was to be a spy over him; it was to learn an enemy’s counsel. If it might have been, had it been out of purpose, trow you? I answer now, as though it had been done on my own head without the counsel of two of the King’s counsellors, and myself also the third; there is also mine authority. I have received oft thanks from the King’s Majesty, and his Councils, for things that I have gotten by such practices; as I have in twenty letters, “use now all your policy, use now all your friends, use now all your dexterity to come to knowledge and intelligence.” This, and such like, were my policy; and by such means afterwards, and setting two to be spies over that same Pole in Toledo, when he came in post to the Emperor, I discovered the treason of Brauncetour and the practices of Pole in the Emperor’s Court. And I dare say the King’s Majesty was served by the same deed; and how, my Lords of the Council know, both by my letters and declaration since I have been prisoner.
But this I shall beseech you to note in this matter that now I speak of; for that I spake before, “that successes declare suspects.” Before Pole came out of Rome to go post to the Emperor, I had so good intelligence, that I knew of it and advertised that he should come, wherein I desired to know what I should do. I heard nothing. I wrote again, “He is on the sea, or else as far as Genes by land hitherward.” I heard no word again. This was either because it was not believed, or else they thought it was not like that I should get the knowledge, being in Spain. I wrote again, “He is in Spain,” and what I had done; for I had laboured before his coming importunately, that he should have been ordered according to the treaties. I heard yet no word. In conclusion, on my own head I did so much, that he was neither sent against, being the Bishop of Rome’s legate, neither received, nor did nothing that he came for, nor rewarded, which princes use, nor accompanied out again. And besides that, I knew and advertised all his doings, and sent a copy of his own chief matters. And thus was he by my industry dispatched out of Spain smally to his reputation or contenting: and the answer with the king, afore the letters came to me by Francis the courier, [that directed] how I should order myself in the business. This I say, hath been one of the fruits of mine intelligence with Pole; that; as God judge me, this seven year, I suppose, came no gladder news unto him than this of my trouble; and on my troth it is no small trouble unto me, that he should rejoice in it.
But to set spies over traitors, it is I think no new practice with ambassadors. He of France, that is now here, had he not, trow ye, them that knit company with Chappuis afore he was delivered here? I myself the last year at Paris appointed Welden and Swerder, two scholars there, to entertain Brauncetour, that by them I might know where he became always, for his sudden apprehension. The Bishop was made privy unto it; so was Mr Totle. And I would have had Mason done this, but presently afore the Bishop he refused it, alleging that he (the Bishop) had once swerved from him in such a like matter. I had no warrant for all this gear, no more had the Bishop in this that I know of, other than of the authority and trust that an ambassador hath and ought to have.
Besides this, ye bring in now, that I should have this intelligence with Pole because of our opinions, that are like, and that I am papish. I think I should have more ado with a great sort in England to purge myself of suspect of a Lutheran than of a Papist. What men judge of me abroad, this may be a great token, that the King’s Majesty and his Council know what hazard I was in in Spai
n with the Inquisition, only by speaking against the Bishop of Rome, where peradventure Bonner would not have bid such a brunt The Emperor had much ado to save me, and yet that made me not hold my peace, when I might defend the King’s deed against him, and improve his naughtiness. But in this case, good masters, ye shall [hear] fair evidence: [what] the King and his Council thought in this matter, when they demised Mason at his first examination, and for the small weight there was either against him or me. And what thing hath there happened since that was not then opened? Inquire, and ye shall find none.
But now to the other part of my accusation, touching my saying. For the love of our Lord, weigh it substantially; and yet withal, remember the naughty handling of my accusers in the other point; and in this you shall see no less maliciousness, and a great deal more falsehood.
And first let us handle the matter, as though I had so said, except only that same “falsely, maliciously, and traitorously,” with all. Were it so, I had said the words; yet it remaineth unproved: (but take it not, that I grant them, for I mean not so), but only that I had so said. Rehearse here the law of words; declare, my Lords, I beseech you, the meaning thereof This includeth that words maliciously spoken, or traitorously, against the King’s person should be taken for treason. It is not meant, masters, of words which despise the King lightly, or which are not all the most reverently spoken of him, as a man should judge a chase against him at the tennis, wherewith he were not all the best contented; but such words as bear an open malice; or such words as persuade commotions, or seditions, or such things. And what say my accusers in these words? Do they swear I spake them traitorously or maliciously? I dare say, they be shameless enough; yet have they not so deposed against me. Head their deposition? They say not so. Confer their depositions, if they agree word for word. That is hard, if they were examined apart, unless they had conspired more than became faithful accusers. If they misagree in words, and not in substance, let us hear the words they vary in; for in some little thing may appear the truth, which, I dare say, you seek for conscience sake. And besides that, it is a small thing in altering of one syllable either with pen or word, that may make in the conceiving of the truth much matter or error. For in this thing, “I fear,” or “I trust,” seemeth but one small syllable changed, and yet it maketh a great difference, and may be of an hearer wrong conceived and worse reported; and yet, worst of all, altered by an examiner. Again, “fall out,”