by Thomas Wyatt
“cast out,” or “left out,” maketh difference; yea, and the setting of the words one in another’s place may make great difference, though the the words were all one, as a “mill horse,” and “a horse mill.” I beseech you, therefore, examine the matter under this sort; confer their several sayings together, confer the examinations upon the same matter, and I dare warrant, ye shall find misreporting and misunderstanding.
But first, for my own part, let this saying be interpreted in the highest kind of naughtiness and maliciousness; yea, and alter them most that can be, that they may be found to that purpose. This is (which God forbid should be thought of any man), that by throwing out of a cart’s tail, I should mean that vile death, that is ordained for wretched thieves. Besides this; put, that I were the naughtiest rank traitor that ever the ground bare; doth any man think that I were so foolish, so void of wit, that I would have told Bonner and Haynes, which had already lowered at my fashions, that I would so shameful a thing to the King’s Highness? Though I were, I say, so naughty a knave, and not all of the wisest, yet am I not so very a fool, though I thought so abominably, to make them privy of it with whom I had no great acquaintance, and much less trust.
But it is far from that point. Men may not be interpreted by as much as may be evil wrested and worse conjectured: there must be reason and appearance in everything; but that way there is none. But ye know, masters, it is a common proverb, “I am left out of the cart’s tail,” and it is taken upon packing gear together for carriage, that it is evil taken heed to, or negligently slips out of the cart and is lost. So upon this blessed peace, that was handled, as partly is touched before, where seemed to be union of most part of Christendom, I saw that we hung yet in suspense between the two Princes that were at war, and that neither of them would conclude with us directly against the Bishop of Rome, and that we also would not conclude else with none of them: whereby it may appear what I meant by the proverb, whereby I doubted they would conclude among themselves and leave us out. And in communicating with some, peradventure, [fore]casting these perils, I might say, “I fear, for all these men’s fair promises, the King shall be left out of the cart’s tail;” and lament that many good occasions had been let slip of concluding with one of these Princes, and I think that I have used the same proverb with some in talking. But that I used [it] with Bonner or Haynes I never remember; and if I ever did, I am sure never as they couch the tale. And if I have used it with any other, I think it hath been with Blage or with Mason. Let their declarations be rehearsed, if they have been in that examined, whereby it may appear what I meant by the proverb.
But consider the place and time where my accusers sayeth that I should speak it, and thereby ye shall easily perceive that either they lie and misreport the tale, or else that I can [not] speak English.
At Barcelona, say they, after we were come from Nice, and Villa Franca, and Aquas-Mortes; that was after the truce concluded, after the meeting of the Princes; yea, and afore that, the King’s Majesty was left out of the packing indeed: whereof at Aquas-Mortes I sent him the copy of the conclusions, and chapters of the peace, wherein he was not mentioned, contrary to the Emperor’s promise, and to the French King’s letters. Since we knew all three the same, it is now like that after this I would use the future tense in that was past, and say, “ye shall see,” and then, “if he be so, by God’s blood he is well served,” and then, “I would he were so.” It is more like I should say, if it were spoken at Barcelona, that “he is left out of the cart’s tail, and by God’s blood he is well served, and I am glad of it.” By this you may perceive, that either they lie in the time, and the place, or else in the reporting the thing.
But because I am wont sometime to rap out an oath in an earnest talk, look how craftily they have put in an oath to the matter, to make the matter seem mine. And because they have guarded a naughty garment of theirs with one of my naughty guards, they will swear, and face me down, that that was my garment. But bring me my garment as it was. If I said any like thing, rehearse my tale as I said it. No man can believe you, that I meant it as you construe it, or that I speak it as you allege it, or that I understand English so evil to speak so out of purpose. Therefore the time, the place, and other men’s saying upon the same matter, bewray your craft and your falsehood. It well appeareth that you have a toward will to lie, but that you lacked in the matter practice or wit; for they say, “He that will lie well must have a good remembrance, that he agree in all points with himself, lest he be spied.”
To you, my good masters, in this purpose, I doubt not but you see already, that in this saying, if I had so said, I meant not that naughty interpretation that no devil would have imagined upon me; nother is proved unto you, nor one appearance thereof alleged. Besides, how unlike it is that I should so say as it is alleged: and finally, as I do grant, I might say, and as I think, I did say, that is no treason; for that I should wish or will that the King should be left out of the comprehension; the King himself and all the Council, that were at that time understanding in the King’s affairs, know what labour and what pains I took to have his matters comprehended; and I report me unto him and them: and some man would have thought it much to have said so much to his fellow, as I said after to the Emperor and his counsellors, charging them with that they had broken promise with the King. This was an evident sign of my will, that I would nothing less than the misgoing of the King’s affairs, namely, of these that I had the handling of. If they would have proved that, they should have brought in my negligence, my slothfulness, my false handling of myself, whereby the King’s matters had quailed. But I say this much, if they have quailed for lack of wit, I am excusable: let the King blame his choice, and not me. But if they have been hindered of one minute of the advancement that they might have had by my untruth, my slackness, my negligence, my pleasures, mine eases, my meat, my health; let any of this be proved, and let it be treason unto me.
But now cometh to places, the conjectures and likelihoods that maketh proofs of mine intelligence with Pole, and of my malicious speaking of that same so disguised saying. But how can anything make a proof or a conjecture of nothing? Ye see the principals are wiped away: what matter can the appearances make? But yet let me answer unto them, you shall see them make for my purpose.
One and of the greatest is this: “Wyatt grudged at his first putting in the Tower; ergo, say they, he bare malice in his heart; and it is like that he sought intelligence with Pole; and also he wished the King’s affairs to miscarry, because he would one day or other be revenged,” Peradventure my accusers frame not their argument so much apparent against me: but let us examine every point thereof. “Wyatt grudged at his first putting into the Tower.” If they take grudging for being sorry, or grieving, I will not stick with them, I grant it, and so I think it would do to any here. But if they use that word “grudging,” including a desire to revenge, I say they lie, I never so grudged; nor they nor any other man can either prove that, or make a likelihood of a proof thereof. Mason saith he hath heard me complain thereof. What then? Doth Mason say, that thereby he reckoned, I meant revenging, bearing malice in my heart? I know him so well that he will not so interpret complaining or moaning to revenging.
But here come my other two honest men, and they say that I should say, “God’s blood, the King set me in the Tower, and afterward sent me for his ambassador: was not this I pray you a pretty way to get me credit?” as they say, I should think. Nay put it, that I had spoken so like an idiot, as they seem to make me by this tale: what grudging or revenging findeth any for my putting into the Tower in this saying? Is here any threatening? Is here any grudging? Yea, and that it is far from my nature to study to revenge, it may appear by the many great despites and displeasures that I have had done unto me, which yet at this day is no man alive that can say that ever I did hurt him for revenging: and in this case yet much less; for it is so far from my desire to revenge, that I never imputed to the King’s Highness my imprisonment: and hereof can Mr Lieutenant here prese
nt testify, to whom I did ever impute it. Yea, and further, my Lord of Suffolk himself can tell, that I imputed it to him; and not only at the beginning, but even the very night before my apprehension now last: what time (I remember) my suing unto him for his favour to remit his old undeserved evil will, and to remember, “like as he was a mortal man, so as to bear no immortal hate in his breast.” Although I had received the injury at his hand, let him say whether this be true.
But what is there here in this article of my fashion? Mark it, I pray you, that here again they have guarded my tale with an oath, because it should seem mine. But let them be examined that have heard me talk of that matter, whereof they seem to tear a piece or two, and patch them together; as if a man should take one of my doublet sleeves, and one of my coat, and sew them together after a disguised fashion, and then say, “Look, I pray you, what apparel Wyatt weareth.” I say, let other men be examined, and ye shall find, that after I came out of the Tower in the commotion time, (He alludes to the insurrection of the northern counties in 1537 during Cromwell’s administration.) that I was appointed to go against the King’s rebels, and did (until I was countermanded) as speedily and as well furnished as I was well able: that after, I was made Sheriff of Kent for a special confidence in such a busy time: that after that again, I was sent the King’s Ambassador. I have divers times boasted thereof, and taken it for a great declaration of my truth, for all my putting in the Tower, the confidence and the credit the King had in me after: and of this, peradventure, they have maliciously perverted some piece of my tale, if they perchance were there present, or heard of it. And it may easily appear; for their own saying is, that I should say, “Was not this, I pray you, a pretty way to get me credit?” How think ye, masters? I suppose it was a way to get me credit. Trow ye, that any man could think, that I should think it was not a way to get me credit? It gat me so much credit that I am in debt, yet in debt for it. Mark, I beseech you, how this gear hangeth together. This is one of their proofs that I grudged at my last putting in the Tower; which, if by grudging they mean revenging, you see how substantially that is proved: and if by grudging they mean moaning, they need not prove it; I grant it. Will any man then, that hath honesty, wit, or discretion, gather, that because I bemoaned my imprisonment, that, therefore, I bear malice and would revenge? Will any man that hath Christian charity and any conscience, upon such a malicious gathering, frame an accusation upon a man’s life? Doth any man that hath any perceiving, see not the malice of these men? If there be any of you that doth not, I bind myself, ere my tale be done, to let you see it in great letters.
But unto this they add withal, that I should wish the King had sent me to Newgate when he sent me ambassador.
I confess frankly, I never begged the office; and, but for the obedience to my master, I would have utterly refused it And how I excused the taking of it, my Lords of the Council can bear me record, as well for that I knew my own inability, whereby I should be wondrously accumbered, for that I was given to a more pleasant kind of life. My cumbrance I found again when I had great matters in hand, meddling with wise men, had no counsel but my own foolish head, a great zeal that the King might be well served by me, a great fear lest anything should quail through my fault This solicitude, this care troubled me. Mason, Blage, Mr Hobby, Mr Dudley, and other that were with me can testify, yea, and my letters oft-times hither, that I wished a meeter man than myself in the room; yea, and that I had been at the plough on that condition. But I never remember, in good faith, that I should in that matter name Newgate. But if I had so said (although it had been foolishly spoken) what proveth this malice, to revenging for my being in the Tower? Would he, trow ye, that would revenge, wish himself in Newgate? is it not like this matter? A man would think rather, he being an ambassador might do more despite toward the King. There he might play the false knave, and discover, and make mis-relation, and such parts.
But what thing is that, that these men would not wrest for their purpose, that wrest such things? They found fault, that I did not them the honour that belonged to the King’s ambassadors. I lent not them my horse, when they went out of Barcelona, nor I did not accompany them on the way.
First I report me to my servants, whereof some of them are gentlemen, [and] right honest men; to their own servants; yea, and let them answer themselves. Did ye not sit always at the upper end of the table? Went ye abroad at any time together, but that either the one or the other was on my right hand? Came any man to visit me, whom I made not do ye reverence, and visit ye too? Had ye not in the galley the most and best commodious places? Had any man a worse than I? Where ye were charged with a groat, was not I charged with five? Was not I for all this first in the commission? Was not I ambassador resident? A better man than either of ye both should have gone without that honour that I did you, if he had looked for it. I know no man that did you dishonour, but your unmannerly behaviour, that made ye a laughing stock to all men that came in your company, and me sometime to sweat for shame to see you. Yet let other judge how I hid and covered your faults. But I have not to do to charge you; I will not spend the time about it.
But mark, I pray you, I lent not them my horses; they never desired to go into the town, to walk or stir out of their lodging, but they had mule, or horse, or both ready for them, foot-cloth, and harnessed with velvet of the best that I had for mule or hackney. Marry, it was thought indeed amongst us, that Bonner could have been content to have been upon a genet with gilt harness. These men came in post, and went again in post at their parting. My servants had gotten their post-horses ready; would they have had without necessity my horse to have ridden post? I brought them to their horse. Would they, I should have accompanied them riding in post? Children would not have played the fool so notably. Was not this a pretty article toward treason to be alleged against me by Bonner. Some man might think, that hereby a man might perceive the malice that hath moved my trouble; but yet it shall be more manifest.
Another occasion there is, that I should say, “They were more meet to be parish priests than ambassadors.” By my truth, I never liked them indeed for ambassadors; and no more did the most part of them that saw them, and namely they that had to do with them. But that did I not [talk], on my faith, with no stranger. But if I said they were meeter to be parish priests, on my faith I never remember it; and it is not like I should so say; for as far as I could see, neither of them both had greatly any fancy to mass, and that, ye know, were requisite for a parish priest; for this can all that were there report, that not one of them all, while they were there, said mass, or offered to hear mass, [as] though it was but a superstition. I say, both Mason and I, because of the name that Englishmen then had, to be all Lutherans, were fain to entreat them that we might sometimes shew ourselves in the Church together, that men conceived not an evil opinion of us. Let Mason be asked of this. It was not like then, that the Bishop of London should sue to have the Scripture in English taken out of the Church.
But I have not to do withal; I must here answer to interrogatories, that upon this occasion belike were ministered against me. Whether he thought that I could be a good subject, that misliketh or refugneth his prince’s proceedings? I say here, as I said unto it, as far as misliking or repugning includeth violent disobedience or seditious persuasion, I think, he is no good subject; but to mislike a building, a choice of an ambassador, or the making of a law, obeying yet nevertheless, or such things proceeding, although peradventure it may be done out of time and place, yet I think, it may be without hurt of allegiance: unless there be a law made to the contrary, which I know not. What say I then to the law of words, which Mason should say, that me thought very hard, and that the first devisers were well served in falling into it, which he thinketh I meant by the Lord Rocheford or the Lord of Essex? This, and if it were offence, it is uncertain by his own saying; and yet I never remember, I said so unto him. But what is it to treason? Do I maintain against the law? do I persuade any violence against the law? it rather includeth allowance of the law, if
they were well served, that they suffered for offending in that.
Again, saith Mason, that I should say unto him, “That it was a goodly Act, the Act of Supreme Head, speciously the King’s Majesty being so virtuous, so wise, so learned, and so good a prince: but if it should fall into an evil prince, that it were a sore rod.” I suppose I have not missaid in that: For all powers, namely absolute, are sore rods when they fall into evil men’s hands; and yet I say, they are to be obeyed by express law of [God]; for that there is no evil prince, but for desert of the people; and no hand over an evil prince but the hand of God. This, upon examining of so many men as have been familiar with me, among whom some words might have escaped me, and sucked out of both of them and of me with such interrogatories; yet is nothing found of me of treason. Yea, and when there is any toward my master within this heart, a sharp sword go thither withal.
But because I bound myself to make this malice of my accusers to appear manifest unto you, let me come to another point of their accusing, which was, by Bonner’s letters to the Earl of Essex, that I lived viciously among the Nuns of Barcelona.
To the end ye be fully persuaded and informed of that matter, there be many men in the town, and most of them [gentlemen], which walk upon their horses, and here and there talk with those ladies; and when they will, go and sit, company together with them, talking in their chambers. Earls, Lords, Dukes, use the same, and I among them. I used not the pastime in company of ruffians, but with such, or with ambassadors of [Ferrara], of Mantua, of Venice, a man of sixty years old, and such vicious company.