The End of Power

by Naim, Moises

  37. Pew Research Center, “State of the News Media 2012,” March 19, 2012.

  38. Bagdikian, The New Media Monopoly.

  39. Amelia H. Arsenault and Manuel Castells, “The Structure and Dynamics of Global Multi-Media Business Networks,” International Journal of Communication 2 (2008): 707–748.

  40. Bruce C. Greenwald, Jonathan A. Knee, and Ava Seave, “The Moguls’ New Clothes,” The Atlantic, October 2009.

  41. Pew Research Center, “State of the News Media 2012,” March 19, 2012.

  42. Arsenault and Castells, “The Structure and Dynamics of Global Multi-Media Business Networks.”

  43. Michael Kinsley, “All the News That’s Fit to Pay For,” The Economist: The World in 2010, December 2010, p. 50.

  44. Christine Haughney, “Huffington Post Introduces Its Online Magazine,” New York Times, June 12, 2012.

  45. “The Trafigura Fiasco Tears Up the Textbook,” Guardian, October 14, 2009; “Twitterers Thwart Effort to Gag Newspaper,” Time, October 13, 2009.

  46. Pew Research Center, “State of the News Media 2012,” March 19, 2012.

  CHAPTER TEN

  1. Yu Liu and DingDing Chen, “Why China Will Democratize,” The Washington Quarterly (Winter 2012): 41–62; interview with Professor Minxin Pei, Washington, DC, June 15, 2012.

  2. Fareed Zakaria offered the best synthesis on this subject in his 2003 book The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad.

  3. Huntington, Political Order in Changing Societies, p. 8.

  4. The title of Thomas Friedman’s best seller The World Is Flat captures how pervasive this change has been: how the diffusion of power has drastically altered the world’s business and commercial landscape. Friedman also eloquently points to the political consequences of these changes (see especially pages 371–414).

  5. I document the ascent of a new breed of transnational criminal networks and their substantial consequences for the global order, and our daily lives, in Illicit: How Smugglers, Traffickers and Copycats are Hijacking the Global Economy. And I discuss the effects of the international financial crisis in global crime and the growing criminalization of governments in “Mafia States: Organized Crime Takes Office,” Foreign Affairs, May-June 2012.

  6. Francis Fukuyama, “Oh for a Democratic Dictatorship and Not a Vetocracy,” Financial Times, November 22, 2011.

  7. Peter Orszag, “Too Much of a Good Thing: Why We Need Less Democracy,” The New Republic, October 6, 2011, pp. 11–12.

  8. Olson, The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups.

  9. Burckhardt, The Greeks and Greek Civilization.

  10. Morozov, “The Brave New World of Slacktivism,” Foreign Policy, May 19, 2009, http://neteffect.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2009/05/19/the_brave_new_world_of_slacktivism; see also Morozov’s The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom.

  11. Malcolm Gladwell, “Small Change: Why the Revolution Will Not Be Tweeted,” The New Yorker, October 4, 2010, http://www.newyorker.com/reporting/2010/10/04/101004fa_fact_gladwell.

  12. Émile Durkheim, Suicide (New York: Free Press, 1951; first published in 1897).

  13. Stephen Marche, “Is Facebook Making Us Lonely?,” The Atlantic, May 2012.

  CHAPTER ELEVEN

  1. Several influential authors argue that despite the proliferation of other powers in the international scene, the United States will continue to play the leading role because of various attributes: its military reach combined with a lack of territorial ambition (Robert D. Kaplan’s Monsoon), its combination of “soft” and “smart” power (Joseph Nye’s The Future of Power), and its internal vibrancy and evolution through enterprise, immigration, and free speech (as a different Robert Kaplan argues in The World America Made). Conversely, Fareed Zakaria, author of The Post-American World, maintains that America is no longer the supreme power even though it still commands leadership in a multipolar world, thanks to its top rankings as having one of the most competitive economies, having the largest numbers of the world’s best universities, and other unique assets. Why? In part because its current crop of politicians might not be up to making good on its promise. (See also Fareed Zakaria, “The Rise of the Rest,” Newsweek, May 12, 2008.)

  2. Kupchan, No One’s World: The West, the Rising Rest, and the Coming Global Turn.

  3. Bremmer, Every Nation for Itself: Winners and Losers in a G-Zero World, p. 1.

  4. Brzezinski, Strategic Vision: America and the Crisis of Global Power.

  5. Francis Fukuyama, “Oh for a Democratic Dictatorship and Not a Vetocracy,” Financial Times, November 22, 2011.

  6. The most recent multilateral initiative successfully endorsed by a large number of countries was in 2000, when 192 nations signed the United Nations Millennium Declaration, an ambitious set of eight goals ranging from halving the world’s extreme poverty to halting the spread of HIV/AIDS and providing universal primary education—all by 2015. The last trade agreement that included many nations dates back to 1994, when 123 countries gathered to negotiate the creation of the World Trade Organization and agreed on a new set of rules for international trade. Since then, all other attempts to reach a global trade deal have crashed. The same is true with multilateral efforts to curb nuclear proliferation: the last significant international nonproliferation agreement was in 1995, when 185 countries agreed to permanently adopt an existing nonproliferation treaty. In the decade and a half since, multilateral initiatives have not only failed but India, Pakistan, and North Korea have demonstrated their certain status as nuclear powers. On the environment, the Kyoto Protocol, a global deal aimed at reducing greenhouse gas emissions, has been ratified by 184 countries since it was adopted in 1997, but the United States, the world’s second-largest air polluter after China, has not done so, and many of the signatories have missed their targets. For further discussion of these issues, see my article “Minilateralism: The Magic Number to Get Real International Action,” Foreign Policy, July–August 2009.

  7. Mathews, “Saving America.”

  8. Gallup Inc., The World Poll (multiple years); Pew Research Center, http://pewresearch.org/topics/publicopinion/, Program on International Policy Attitudes, University of Maryland; Eurobarometer, http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/index_en.htm; LatinoBarometro, http://www.latinobarometro.org/latino/latinobarometro.jsp.

  9. Henry Steele Commager, quoted in Moyers, A World of Ideas: Conversations with Thoughtful Men and Women About American Life Today and the Ideas Shaping Our Future, p. 232.

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