Civil War II

by Eric Gurr

  “So do you think it gets worse?” Johnson asked.

  “It’s getting warmer. It will get worse. Mr. President, do we have any intel from NSA or the FBI?”

  “Not yet, but we will next week.”

  The week passed, and not much had changed. The violence in Indianapolis had slowed, but in other areas, it was growing worse. St. Louis and Cincinnati were the worst.

  In St. Louis it was becoming clear that the resistance was gaining strength. In Cincinnati, the battles were neighborhood to neighborhood and beginning to spill out into suburban areas. But neither side could gain an advantage.

  The bigger cities of Chicago, Detroit and Cleveland were falling fast. But no one was winning. The riots in these cities were constant. In all three economic activity had stopped almost entirely.

  Van Driessen and the President met again the following week in the White House Situation Room.

  They were joined by members of Congress and the directors of Homeland Security, NSA, FBI, and the CIA. A senior analyst was tasked with filling them in on the current state of affairs.

  “We can’t get close to Ohlbinger. He keeps a loyal group around him and no one else. But what leaks out is disorganized right now. He is waiting, but we don’t know what he’s waiting for.

  He flies every day. Either San Fran, LA, Seattle or Denver. He is planning something. But even he doesn’t seem to know what it is yet. Or at least he is keeping it quiet enough that we can’t hear it.

  In the other cities there just isn’t an organized movement from the right. The protestors are a bit more together and trying to hold them. Or if possible to take the cities. But right now it’s just chaos. Fighting and resting. In the slow days, they are just resupplying. Both sides are doing it.”

  “You say you’ve got guys in Hartwick’s group in Indianapolis. What’s happening there?” Van Driessen asked.

  “We don’t know. They don’t use cell phones much. And when they do it’s just to arrange a meeting place. They meet in small groups and talk. If our guys aren’t in the group, we don’t hear anything. When something leaks out, it’s usually just strategic information.

  Thy move people around to give others a break. The let a truck or two with food into suburbs, and they slowly pinch in on the cities.

  It doesn’t look like they have any bigger plans other than taking the city back. But again, we can’t tell. The group itself isn’t what the media is reporting. Tanner Ritchie is not there. We think he is back in Missouri. They really do appear to just want the protesters out and to get back to normal. There is little coordination among any of the right wing, or rebel groups in other cities.”

  “What about inside the city. Any word there?” President Johnson asked.

  “It’s even harder to tell. The rebels cut off the internet into the city and knocked down a bunch of the cell towers. We do know from flyovers that someone is also taking out the power. Just transformers on telephone poles and one or two substations. But it’s getting darker every night.”

  The Illinois Senator broke the ice on the topic everyone was thinking about, but afraid to say out loud.

  “What can you tell us about Chicago? The word I keep getting is that even the mayor can’t get into the city anymore. She and the governor both are asking me to get the National Guard involved. Mr. President, don’t you think it’s time?”

  Before President Johnson could answer a congresswoman from Detroit spoke up as well.

  “We’re having the same issue. The protesters are being pushed aside by the people rioting. I can’t get to my own house, Mr. President. I don’t think we need to send the Guard to every city. But in the big cities, it’s not the protesters causing the problems. It’s outsiders and right-wing attackers. We need to do something.”

  “I agree, Mr. President. And I think we need to consider sending the military as well.”

  The room fell instantly silent. Victor Van Driessen scanned the faces. He could not read the president’s reaction. Everyone else, Democrat and Republican was wide-eyed. Some frowned, some were smiling. Van Driessen guessed that most wanted the military involved.

  The president looked to the assistant director of Homeland Security, who was giving the presentation.

  “That’s of course, a political decision Mr. President. But there is no government leadership in Indianapolis, Cincinnati, or many of the other cities either.

  Some work is getting done. Somehow, people are working. But it’s spotty. This is getting worse everywhere.”

  The president nodded and looked at Van Driessen. He knew Victor would speak his mind.

  “That’s a terrible idea.” Van Driessen said.

  “That’s because you’re from Virginia and it’s peaceful. Our cities in Michigan and Illinois are being ripped apart.” Someone protested.

  More voices joined the protest.

  “Mr. President, we’re not suggesting you send in the Marines. Just the National Guard, and maybe some support from the Army. We need to get this under control quickly.”

  One after another, those who wanted the military to help peppered the president. After a few minutes Hank Hoxworth, the Vice-President, raised his hands to quiet them. “May I speak Mr. President?”

  President Johnson nodded his head.

  “We have to very careful here. The reason things are so far out of control is that the police can no longer manage the crowds. But I think some of you are missing an important part of this.

  When the police go to block a street and try to control a riot, or stop a protest from getting out of control, they aren’t going there to fight. They are going as a show of force. They are there to present the illusion of law and order.

  If there are ten thousand protesters, and a city sends five hundred police officers, it only works if the people protesting have respect, or fear of getting arrested. That’s it.

  Once the people lose respect for the authority of the police, the illusion falls apart. Now the only way for the police to control the group is to start fighting. But in most of these cases, the protesters aren’t armed. So the police can use tear gas and rubber bullets to fight.

  Things are different now. The protesters are armed and don’t respect the police as a legitimate authority.”

  “But that’s why we are asking for the National Guard and the Army to work together to stop this.” The Illinois senator said.

  “That would make things even worse.” The Vice-President responded.

  “First off, it’s illegal to use the military in this way. We can send the National Guard, but not the Army. But even sending the National Guard is a risk. Congressman Van Driessen and I have been talking about this for a few weeks now. There is simply no good option.

  If we send in the National Guard, it looks like we’ve taken a side. And we can’ just send a thousand troops. We have to send several thousand. Maybe as much as ten thousand.

  Things are bad now. And they are getting worse. But if we make the wrong decision we could have a full-blown civil war on our hands.”

  He turned to the president.

  “Mr. President, this is your call and I’ll stand behind you all the way. But I think Van Driessen is right. This will make things worse. We are in something here. Something new.

  Is it the start of a civil war? I don’t know. But if we send in military troops, there will be no doubt, this is a civil war. There are just too many people at odds this time.”

  The president took a deep breath. “I guess you’re right. But all I know is I want this to stop. This nation needs to come together. We’ll hold off on the Guard, and the Army is off the table. But I’ve got to find a solution. We have to do something drastic.”

  It went this way for the next two weeks. Every day, in at least one city, many deaths would be reported. There were so many people involved and so much movement, that no government agency could say for sure what would happen next.

  The loss of jobs in the cities had pushed the unemployment rate up yet again.
But because of the violence, no one could get into the cities to count. So no one was sure what it actually was.

  The only clear thing was that the recession was turning into a depression. From tax revenues, the estimate was that the economy would shrink by more than fifteen percent. More than during the Great Depression.

  Even that wasn’t a certainty. Because so much work could be done from home, the economy didn’t collapse entirely. And tax revenues were sitting in some areas just waiting to be transferred.

  The rural sections of the country remained mostly unaffected.

  Farmers delivered corn, wheat, soybeans, beef, and chickens. In some areas, these were processed into food that could be delivered. In other places, near major cities, the food would rot or be stolen.

  Amid the protests and violence, it was impossible for Congress to pass any new laws. The left was paralyzed. It was impossible to figure out how many people actually supported the resistance. Polls showed the numbers were close to twenty-five percent. A manageable number, but they knew it probably was higher.

  Other prominent Democrats were sure that many were just afraid to admit that they supported the protesters.

  This was also true of the Republicans. The Democrats didn’t trust the government in power. But most of the Republicans didn’t trust the government or the media.

  Furthering the Republican’s problem, they weren’t sure what the counter-protesters, the “rebel army” or their supporters even wanted.

  The only group that appeared to have any organization was Hartwick’s rebel army. And they hadn’t really made any demands. Just vague notions on trade and immigration.

  On issues where the Democrats and Republicans were close, they could never get enough votes to pass anything. Not only was the presidential election extremely close, but the Democrats held the House by two seats and the Republicans held the Senate by just one.

  A compromise was discussed, but even on trivial matters, they could never seem to agree. The only thing the sides could agree on was that they didn’t want to make matters worse.

  Both sides held out hope that the other would get the blame and the violent factions would come to their senses.

  February ended in a stalemate across the nation. The people in the cities were still fighting each other, but nothing was resolved. Congress was trying, but again nothing could be resolved.

  Chapter 6

  March: The first victories

  John Hartwick was resting at home. He needed a break. The money was holding out. He had received a paycheck and was doing some work remotely.

  He had also received a few anonymous gift cards and envelopes stuffed with anywhere from five dollars to five hundred. But he wouldn’t keep it for himself. That had to go to the other guys.

  Too many were in a worse position than John. And, as he told his wife Audrey, he didn’t want to be a mercenary fighter.

  Sitting next to him on the couch was Matt Davis. He’d met Davis when he first moved to Indianapolis and they had become friends. They not only worked together, but Davis also lived just three streets away.

  Hartwick had been afraid his friend Matt would think he was some kind of secret racist after his television interviews. So he made his way to his house and explained his position and why they had come to be called Rebels.

  To his surprise, Davis had agreed with him and wanted to join him. He had been afraid because he thought he would be the only black man in the entire rebel army. When Hartwick told him they were just trying to get the city back, and there were other black guys helping him, Davis had joined willingly.

  Davis had been with him several times patrolling the exits and moving food into the suburbs closer to the city.

  In the first couple of days, it had been tough going. Some of the group thought he was a plant. But that had quickly been dispelled as more minorities joined the fight.

  Davis was a project manager. He had a sharp mind and was an exceptional organizer. As they talked, Matt would have his laptop open and was constantly adding to his spreadsheets. He knew how many men they had, how many needed rest, what their strengths were and how to reach them.

  He also knew what was going on in other cities and had started a line of communication with many of them.

  “Cincinnati is having trouble John.” He said.

  “What’s going on there? I thought it was mostly quiet.” Hartwick answered.

  “Nope. The media is just trying to keep a lid on it. The city is shut down and the protesters are holding it. There are some rebels, not as big as our group, but they keep going in trying to push them out. But they aren’t having any success.”

  “You know Matt, we have to stop calling ourselves the Rebels. You more than the rest should know that’s not a good look for us.”

  “Why?” Matt laughed.

  Hartwick just smiled. “Look man, if we call ourselves the Rebel army the media are just going to call us a bunch of racists and rednecks.”

  Davis just shook his head and smiled. “John, I’m as black as night. When I came out to my own family as a Republican they called me a racist. Me, a black man, by my own family. It doesn’t matter what we call ourselves. They are going to call us racists. Just embrace it and let it go. It really doesn’t matter. I look at it as something I can throw in their faces. But you know what would really piss them off?”

  “What’s that?”

  “Call ourselves the New Rebel Army.”

  “I don’t get it. Why does that make it worse?” Hartwick asked.

  “Because now it’s got Rebel in it. Which they hate. And the initials NRA, which they also hate.

  Hartwick shrugged his shoulders. “Well if you’re okay with it, I guess I am. How did it go last night?”

  “I think we’re almost there. We counted twenty thousand leaving the city. There were so many we weren’t able to search them all.

  But the fires are spreading, John. We may have to go in.”

  “How soon?” Hartwick asked?

  “I think we can get everyone together in two days. I really think it’s necessary.

  The remaining few thousand in the city could hold out a long time. We’ve questioned some of those that are leaving and they say it’s getting worse. The resistance fighters are keeping what food they find for themselves. We need to do it quickly.”

  “What’s the weather for the next few days?”

  “Why?” Davis asked.

  “Because if it’s cold and raining, we should move then. We’re rested and warm. They’re hungry. If it’s raining and cold, or even if there was a little snow, it would help us.”

  Davis flipped through the weather app on his laptop. “Tomorrow it gets down to thirty-two degrees and the chance of rain is sixty percent. Better chance Thursday and still cold. But then it starts to warm up all the way to the low fifties.”

  “Let’s go Thursday morning early. That gives us two days.”

  The ‘New Rebel Army’ marched in on Thursday morning before sunrise. Davis had guessed they had a total army of roughly 8,000 people.

  They would come in from four directions. The Southwest and southeast would have each three thousand men. From the north and east, they would attack with only one thousand.

  To Hartwick’s great surprise no forward lookouts had been posted. They simply walked into the downtown center without any resistance.

  The last of the resistance fighters were holed up in three hotels. They surrendered quickly. Davis moved them all to the first few floors of each hotel. Ten to a room with guards posted at every door.

  It had all been surprisingly anti-climactic.

  Hartwick found Jake Stahl in the crowd. Stahl was the big bearded man who had worked with him from the start. At first, Hartwick thought he was a crazy redneck but the man was a natural leader and always calm and open to debate about what steps to take next.

  Stahl had put five hundred men in each of the three hotels. He arranged for another five hundred to stay in the city. Everyone
else was told to go back to the exits and stand guard to wait for orders.

  “What now?” Stahl asked.

  Hartwick suggested they walk to the capitol building and governor’s mansion. When those were found to be abandoned they tried to go to the local police stations. There was no one to be found.

  They stood in silence at the center of Monument Circle. “Well, ain’t this some shit?” Stahl said.

  Hartwick just shook his head. “I thought we could just go tell them the city is safe again and to open for business. But where the hell is everyone?”

  “Typical politicians. They just ran away.” Stahl said.

  Matt Davis looked up quickly towards North Meridian Street. “Look at that.” He said.

  An old black man was strolling down the street. He stopped and looked at the men standing in the grass around the soldiers and sailors monument.

  “’Bout time you boys got here.” He said.

  “Old man, what the hell are you doing out walking around?” Davis asked him.

  “Lookin’ for something to eat. Them communists that took over stole all the food.” The old man replied.

  “Did you kill them all?” He added.

  “No. We just locked them in the hotel rooms until the police come.”

  “Shit boy. Police done left when the politicians did. You boys might as well get it over with and kill ‘em all now.”

  “Why’s that?” Hartwick asked.

  “Oh!” The old man chuckled.

  I guess you ain’t been up to the convention center yet. Well, walk on up there fellas. And then when you’re done, you gonna want to go back to that hotel and kill every last one of them fuckers.”

  And then the old man just turned and walked away. Laughing hysterically.

  All three men looked at each other. “What’s he talking about?” Hartwick asked.

  Stahl, Davis and Hartwick walked to the convention center just a few blocks away. They took a hundred men with them to be safe.

  As they got closer they noticed a slight smell. They walked to the doors and saw a few people run away. The men with them drew their guns, but no shots were fired.