41: A Portrait of My Father

by George W. Bush

  Gorbachev accepted Dad’s offer, and they scheduled a summit meeting in Malta for December 1989. In the meantime, the revolutions raced ahead. In November 1989, East Germany announced that it would open its border crossings to the West. Within hours, tens of thousands flocked to the Berlin Wall and began hammering it down. Dad faced enormous pressure to celebrate. Democrats in Congress urged him to go to Berlin. Journalists, eager for a dramatic story, demanded to know why he wasn’t showing more emotion. “Bushism is Reaganism minus the passion for freedom,” one writer complained. Dad refused to give in to the pressure. All his life, George Bush had been a humble man. He wasn’t trying to score points for himself; he only cared about the results. And he knew the best way to achieve results was to think about the situation from the other person’s perspective: Freedom had a better chance to succeed in Central and Eastern Europe if he did not provoke the Soviets to intervene in the budding revolutions.

  “I’m not going to go dance on the wall,” he said.

  He pressed ahead with his outreach to Gorbachev. In December 1989, the two leaders met for a historic summit in Malta. Dad spent the night before aboard the USS Belknap in the Mediterranean Sea. As he prepared for the biggest meeting of his presidency, Dad thought back to his days aboard the USS San Jacinto in World War II. “I love the Navy,” he wrote in his diary, “and I felt 31 years old walking around the decks.” He even went fishing off the fantail of the ship. (Alas, all he got was a nibble.)

  The next day, Dad and Gorbachev met for four hours aboard a cruise ship, the Maxim Gorky. They covered a wide range of subjects and agreed to continue their efforts to improve relations. The United States offered an economic aid package to help Gorbachev with his crumbling economy. At the same time, Dad made clear that he hoped the Soviets would maintain their peaceful approach to the upheaval in Central and Eastern Europe.

  The strategy was controversial. Critics said he was not being tough enough. In the end, however, his approach proved to be a historic success. Unlike his predecessors in the Kremlin a generation earlier, Mikhail Gorbachev allowed the reform movements in Central and Eastern Europe to proceed peacefully. For the first time in decades, the Berlin Wall no longer divided the East and the West. And for the first time in history, the continent came close to the vision that George Bush had defined and that would guide American policy for years to come: a Europe whole, free, and at peace.

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  SHORTLY AFTER THE fall of the Berlin Wall, another crisis erupted. This one happened closer to home. The nation of Panama was an American ally and a country of strategic importance because of the Panama Canal. Panama’s dictator, Manuel Noriega, had once cooperated with the United States to fight the spread of communism. Over time, as Noriega grew increasingly involved in the drug trade, his newfound power and wealth turned him against the United States. The Reagan administration obtained an indictment against him for drug trafficking.

  Noriega’s belligerence grew after Dad took office. In May 1989, he nullified the results of a democratic election. When a subsequent coup attempt failed, he executed the leaders of the uprising. A few months later, Noriega declared “a state of war” with the United States. Panamanian military forces harassed American troops stationed in the country. One Marine was shot and killed at a roadblock. Panamanian forces then assaulted another Marine and humiliated his wife.

  That was the last straw. Diplomatic efforts to change Noriega’s behavior were not working. Dad approved a highly classified invasion plan designed to overthrow Noriega. Operation Just Cause was set to launch early in the morning on December 20, 1989. Some twenty thousand American troops—the largest deployment since the Vietnam War—would storm the island, remove Noriega, and clear the way for the elected government to take power.

  Dad slept fitfully the night before the secret mission was scheduled to launch. “I’m thinking about the kids,” he wrote, “those young 19 year olds who will be dropped in tonight.” He knew that some of them would not come home alive. Giving that order was the toughest decision of his young presidency.

  Our family was at Camp David a few days later to celebrate Christmas. Dad was unusually reserved and somewhat grim. The pressure of his decision was weighing on him. He spent a lot of time in his small, wood-paneled office monitoring the progress of the operation. The initial reports were positive. The strike had removed the regime, and the new government had been sworn in. Yet Noriega was still at large.

  On Christmas Eve, my brothers and I were playing wallyball (volleyball on a racquetball court) against several Marines stationed at Camp David. Suddenly Dad appeared on the balcony of the court with Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Colin Powell.

  “We got him!” Dad exclaimed.

  We knew exactly who he meant. The room broke out into cheers. A sweaty sergeant hugged me. Dad reported that Noriega was seeking asylum from the papal nuncio in Panama City. A few days later, he was turned over to the United States and flown to Miami, where he was eventually tried, convicted, and sent to prison.

  The mission was a resounding success. Noriega was gone, and Panamanian democracy had been restored. Yet the victory came at a cost. Twenty-three Americans gave their lives, and more than three hundred were wounded. As a combat veteran, Dad felt a special connection to the troops. He understood the agony of war firsthand. And he believed that his job as Commander-in-Chief was to show his personal commitment to those who carried out his orders. On New Year’s Eve, Mother and Dad visited a military hospital in San Antonio, where some of the wounded from Panama had been sent for treatment. One Marine gave Dad a small American flag, which he kept on his desk in the Oval Office for the rest of his presidency.

  Shortly after his visit, Dad told me about a Navy SEAL he had visited in the hospital. It turned out that he was a Texas Rangers fan. I had just bought a minority stake in the Rangers and was serving as comanaging general partner. We contacted the wounded SEAL and told him that the Rangers would be proud to have him throw out the first pitch on Opening Day of the 1990 season. He agreed, and the crowd gave him a huge ovation. It was a small gesture, but I was glad to play a part in honoring our military. One of the lessons that I learned was that the military must know that their President supports them. I would not fully understand the special relationship that a Commander-in-Chief has with his troops for another dozen years, when I was the one who had to give the order to send our military into harm’s way.

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  NOTHING PUT George Bush in a better mood than visiting Walker’s Point. And in the summer of 1990, his spirits needed a lift. After the triumph in Panama, he had endured six months of bad news. The economy was slowing down. He was locked in a budget battle with the Democratic Congress. And my brother Neil was under investigation for his role in a failed savings and loan. In late July, Laura, Barbara, Jenna, and I visited Maine—a welcome break from the Texas heat. As usual, George Bush was nonstop activity. His idea of relaxation was playing golf or tennis in the morning, then fishing in the afternoon. A few days into our trip, Dad announced that he had to get back to Washington. On August 2, 1990, the news broke that Iraq had invaded Kuwait.

  The man behind the invasion was Saddam Hussein, an oppressive and ruthless dictator who had devastated Iraq since 1979. In addition to repressing all dissent, Saddam had used chemical weapons against his own people and started a senseless war with Iran that killed hundreds of thousands of people on both sides. Then, without provocation, he had invaded the small, oil-rich nation of Kuwait—a key American ally with valuable ports on the Persian Gulf. As the Kuwaiti royal family fled, invading Iraqi troops brutalized Kuwaiti citizens and looted the country. There was talk that Saudi Arabia, another close ally of the United States, could be Saddam’s next target. That would put Saddam in charge of a major share of the world’s oil supply. America’s vital diplomatic and economic interests in the Middle East were at stake.

  Dad convened his National Security Advisers at Camp David. The usual team was joined by a new member, General
Norman Schwarzkopf—the gruff, confident commander of U.S. Central Command. Dad asked for options. Some members of the team believed that tough economic sanctions could persuade Saddam to withdraw from Kuwait. Others thought an aerial bombardment would work. All agreed that a ground invasion could eventually be required. The National Security Council also discussed how to protect Saudi Arabia. Dad had spoken to King Fahd about the possibility of deploying U.S. troops to his kingdom to deter an Iraqi invasion and provide a base for the liberation of Kuwait. As the keeper of the two holiest Islamic sites, Mecca and Medina, Saudi Arabia had a zealous aversion to allowing foreign troops on its soil. The King agreed to consider the matter, and Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney was dispatched to make the case.

  As Dad returned to the White House from Camp David, a huge gathering of reporters had assembled on the South Lawn. Dad told them that he was keeping his options open. Then he added, “This will not stand, this aggression against Kuwait.” Those were not hollow words. George Bush understood that the President must mean what he says. Colin Powell later said that Dad’s statement marked the moment when he knew that the military would have to prepare for war. The line stuck with me, at least subconsciously. A decade later, after the al Qaeda attacks on September 11, 2001, I told the country in my first public statement, “Terrorism against our nation will not stand.”

  Dad’s strategy was to rally a coalition of nations to pressure Saddam Hussein to leave Kuwait. Thanks to years of personal diplomacy, George Bush had earned the trust of many world leaders. Now he put that trust to use. King Fahd agreed to let the United States station troops in Saudi Arabia (a decision that Osama bin Laden later cited as a reason for attacking the Saudi government). Arab leaders across the Middle East agreed to denounce the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, a major step given that Saddam Hussein was a key figure in the Arab League. European allies like Margaret Thatcher of Great Britain and Helmut Kohl of West Germany offered their strong support. So did Japanese Prime Minister Toshiki Kaifu, who remembered Dad’s early decision to attend Emperor Hirohito’s funeral. A more surprising backer was François Mitterrand of France. Dad had worked hard to develop a relationship with him early in the presidency by inviting him to Walker’s Point, and now the French President was offering his support.

  In the most striking development, the Soviet Union joined with the United States to condemn Iraq’s aggression against Kuwait. Jim Baker and Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze issued a joint statement the day after the attack—a moment that Baker later said convinced him that the Cold War was over. In early September, Dad and Gorbachev met in Finland, where they resolved to work together to pressure Iraq to leave Kuwait. Their agreement marked the most significant strategic cooperation between American and Soviet leaders since FDR and Stalin. In an address to a joint session of Congress in September 1990, Dad laid out his vision for a “new world order” in which all civilized nations, including the Soviet Union, worked together to deter aggression and promote peace.

  The Bush administration’s diplomatic campaign also included a concerted effort at the United Nations. The Security Council had passed eleven resolutions sanctioning Iraq and demanding withdrawal from Kuwait. Saddam had ignored every one. So on November 29, 1990, the Security Council adopted Resolution 678, which offered Saddam Hussein “one final opportunity” to comply with the world’s demands. The resolution set a deadline of January 15, 1991, for Iraq to leave Kuwait. If Saddam continued to defy the UN, the resolution authorized member nations to use “all necessary means” to force him to comply. The resolution passed twelve to two, with China abstaining. Dad’s cultivation of François Mitterrand paid off; France’s support proved critical to securing the resolution. Only Cuba and Yemen opposed the resolution. After four months of exhaustive personal diplomacy, George Bush had united the world against Saddam Hussein.

  In 1990, our family spent Christmas at Camp David. It was the second year in a row that a military crisis overshadowed the holiday. Once again, Dad did his best to enjoy the family gathering. He refused to allow the burdens he carried to spoil our time together. But it was obvious that his mind was elsewhere. On New Year’s Eve, he wrote a letter to my siblings and me. “I have thought long and hard about what might have to be done,” he wrote. “I guess what I want you to know as a father is this: Every Human life is precious. When the question is asked ‘How many lives are you willing to sacrifice’—it tears at my heart. The answer of course, is none—none at all.” He continued, “Principle must be adhered to—Saddam cannot profit in any way at all from his aggression and from his brutalizing the people of Kuwait.”

  With about ten days to go before the UN deadline of January 15, Dad resolved to give diplomacy one final chance to succeed. As he put it, he would go the “extra mile for peace.” He wrote a personal letter to Saddam Hussein urging him to comply with the UN resolutions. He announced that he was sending Secretary of State Jim Baker to deliver the letter to Saddam. Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz met Baker in Geneva, but he refused to take the letter. Saddam had passed up an opportunity for peace.

  Before ordering the military operation, there was one more decision for Dad to make: whether to seek authorization from Congress for the use of force. Congress had not formally declared war since World War II, and several military operations—the Korean War, Grenada, and Panama—had been conducted under Article II of the Constitution, which makes the President the Commander-in-Chief of our military, without authorization from Congress. Dad and his advisers believed that Article II provided sufficient authority for him to proceed on his own, but he decided that it would be prudent to put Congress on record. The vote was close, especially in the Senate, where opponents of the war raised the specter of tens of thousands of body bags. On January 12, the Senate approved the resolution 52 to 47, and the House passed it 250 to 183.

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  ON JANUARY 15, 1991, the UN deadline passed without any response from Saddam Hussein. At 9:01 the next night, George Bush addressed the nation from the Oval Office. “Five months ago, Saddam Hussein started this cruel war against Kuwait,” he said. “Tonight, the battle has been joined.”

  The first phase of the attack, Operation Desert Storm, was a massive aerial bombardment of Iraqi military targets. The objective was to degrade Saddam’s capacity and convince him to withdraw his troops from Kuwait. If not, forces from twenty-eight nations were prepared to conduct a ground attack.

  The hours leading up to the moment had been wrenching. Mother told me that Dad had not slept well for days. His friend the Reverend Billy Graham came to the White House to conduct a special prayer service. Dad understood the ramifications of the order he was about to give. “It is my decision,” he dictated to his diary, “my decision to send these kids into battle, my decision that may affect the lives of innocen[ts]…. It is my decision that affects the husband, the girlfriend, or the wife that is waiting.” He continued, “And yet I know what I have to do.”

  I admired the way Dad handled the situation. He had taken his time. He had explored all options. He had resolved to protect American interests, defend an ally, and promote long-term peace. He had rallied the world and Congress to the cause. It was as if his whole life—from his time in uniform, to his service on Capitol Hill, to his diplomatic experience—had prepared him for the moment.

  As Dad spoke from the Oval Office, the sky over Baghdad lit up. For the first time in the history of warfare, the world could watch the battle unfold live on CNN. I was amazed by the precision bombs that destroyed military targets while minimizing civilian loss of life.

  Though the air campaign made steady progress, Saddam would not leave Kuwait. It became clear that the only way to liberate the country was to deploy ground troops. Dad gave the order for our forces in Saudi Arabia to cross the border into Kuwait on February 23, 1991. At a church service the next morning, Dick Cheney passed him a note with the first update. The mission looked like a major success. The troops had cut through barbed wire and minefields
at the border and begun the drive up the highway toward Kuwait City.

  What followed over the ensuing days was astounding. Coalition forces routed Saddam Hussein’s military. Thousands of Iraqi soldiers laid down their arms and surrendered. Exactly a hundred hours after Dad sent ground troops into Kuwait, the Gulf War was over. “Kuwait is liberated. Iraq’s army is defeated. Our military objectives are met,” Dad said from the Oval Office. “We declared that the aggression against Kuwait would not stand. And tonight, America and the world have kept their word.”

  Dad announced that the Coalition forces would immediately cease active combat operations. All told, 148 Americans were killed, and 467 were wounded. The predictions of a quagmire requiring tens of thousands of body bags proved untrue. The Vietnam syndrome—the reluctance of America to deploy troops abroad for fear of getting bogged down—had been vanquished.

  Saddam Hussein left Kuwait, but he retained power in Iraq. Some had urged Dad to expand the mission to remove Saddam from power, but he refused. Congress and the Coalition had signed on to liberate Kuwait. That was the mission. It was achieved. It was time to bring the troops home. President George H.W. Bush’s approval rating reached 89 percent, the highest level that any President had ever recorded to that point.

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  IN MARCH AND April of 1991, Iraqi factions in several parts of the country mounted uprisings against Saddam, only to be crushed brutally by Saddam’s ground forces and helicopters and then dumped into mass graves. Over the years, some critics have suggested that the United States should have intervened to stop Saddam from suppressing the rebels, some of whom had been counting on American support. Dad’s response has always been that he had no mandate from Congress or from our international partners to intervene militarily.

  Intelligence gathered during the Gulf War showed that Saddam’s biological, chemical, and nuclear weapons programs were more advanced than the CIA had previously estimated. And as the 1990s progressed, he continued to pose a threat. He defied the UN resolutions requiring that he disarm, disclose, and account for his weapons of mass destruction. He circumvented the sanctions that the UN had imposed without facing any serious punishment. And he routinely violated the no-fly zones that had been created to protect Iraqis in the northern and southern parts of the country. In 1998, Congress passed and President Clinton signed the Iraq Liberation Act, which made the removal of Saddam and the promotion of a democratic Iraq the official policy of the United States.