The United States of Trump

by Bill O'Reilly

  A number of reporters have sought to involve Donald Trump directly with the illegalities going on in the New York City construction industry. This is grossly unfair. If Trump had been a hands-on participant, his name would certainly have surfaced on the federal wiretaps.

  Evidence shows that the Trump Organization did what every other major builder did—that is, make deals with the companies and unions in place at the time. It is certainly true that Donald Trump was aware of Big Paul and his top enforcer, John Gotti, because the newspapers often covered their nefarious activities.

  And then there is Roy Cohn.

  So, it is likely that Donald Trump paid acute attention to the gunning down of Big Paul Castellano on December 16, 1985. Arriving at the Sparks Steak House for dinner in Manhattan, Castellano was assassinated on the order of Gotti, who resented Castellano for resisting expansion into the illegal narcotics industry.

  Big Paul, out on three million dollars’ bail at the time he was murdered, was denied a Catholic funeral and burial by order of the Church.

  Despite the murder, nothing much changed in the city’s construction industry.

  * * *

  THE YEAR 1985 sees New York City flush as Reaganomics has finally taken hold, leaving the recession-ridden Carter administration a distant memory. On paper, Donald Trump’s success over a fourteen-year period is stunning. By some estimates, the Trump Organization has amassed a billion dollars in assets and almost unlimited lines of credit from American banks.

  If Donald Trump wants it, Donald Trump can buy it. And he doesn’t have to use his own money. The Trump brand now opens financial lending doors everywhere.

  In addition, Trump has achieved fame in New York and is gaining recognition everywhere else. His is not yet a household name like “Joe Namath” or the rising fame of “Michael Jordan,” but he’s on his way. His mind constantly racing, Donald Trump envisions a worldwide empire of property and products. He has the financial resources. Now all it will take is marketing. And Trump is a genius at that.

  * * *

  ALTHOUGH DONALD TRUMP does not know it in 1985 (but surely knows now), fame is dangerous. Wealth and recognition cause envy. Money is a magnet for grifters, blackmailers, sycophants, and deceivers.

  Johnny Carson began his career hosting a TV program called Who Do You Trust? Then he became a superstar late-night host, amassing a fortune. But with that came three bitter divorces and a number of public drinking embarrassments. As Donald Trump celebrates his success in 1985, Carson is receiving a Peabody Award for his contributions to America. But by all accounts, he is an isolated human being who trusts very few.

  Trump posing for a portrait at the Wollman Rink, for which he oversaw renovations as a real estate developer

  Same with Donald Trump.

  Nevertheless, the builder wants Carson-like fame. Unlike his father and brother, who are content to enjoy their money privately, Donald is Mr. Ostentatious, and so is his wife. Gold fixtures dominate their triplex apartment high above the city of eight million people. Murals are painted on the ceilings. Donald’s Atlantic City casino is over-the-top glitz, with Ivana Trump waving the dubious taste wand as the primary decorator of the garish facility.

  “There has always been a display of wealth and always will be,” Donald told Playboy magazine. “And let me tell you, a display is a good thing. It shows people that you can be successful. It can show you a way of life … It’s very important that people aspire to be successful. The only way you can do it is to look at somebody who is.”

  One of the more fascinating things about Donald Trump is that he has never wavered in that philosophy—that operational greed is good. But behind the scenes he is not obsessed with jewels or gourmet food or fine wine. He uses his wealth as a marketing tool, a success brand.

  And unlike some moneyed folks, Trump does not use affluence to demean. He has many loyal associates, such as former executive assistant Norma Foerderer and his secretary Rhona Graff. I have known these two women for many years, and they love Donald Trump.

  As do his children.

  But there is no question that Donald Trump did some dubious things in order to become famous. And history shows that he and others around him paid a price for that.

  * * *

  IN 1983, THE Nintendo video game console was released, beginning a mass market for electronic gizmos that eventually morphed into personal computers and smartphones. Today, famous people and their families suffer grievously due to the Twitter mob and the unbridled cruelty that social media facilitates. The machines, as I call them, are taking over the world and burning down traditional decorum.

  Famous people, including presidents, can build walls around their homes and hire armed security protection. They can also avoid most face-to-face interaction with other human beings.

  But they can’t stop the false accusations, instant disparagement, and rank hatred that are launched with the flick of a thumb. If you are famous, you are a target. And sooner or later, the arrow will find you.

  Throughout the rest of the 1980s, Donald Trump will expand his wealth and grow his fame across the land. All the while, his family is experiencing the Trump phenomenon in a variety of ways—some good, some bad.

  Donald Trump’s attention is squarely on increasing his brand, which, he believes, will lead to more power and greater wealth. His family are bystanders to that.

  But a fall is coming, as it almost always does.

  And Donald Trump will not be ready for it.

  CHAPTER ELEVEN

  TRUMP TOWER

  MANHATTAN

  FEBRUARY 2019

  NOON

  Thirty-six years after opening, Trump Tower is now an armed camp. Secret Service agents pat down visitors after they step through the security machines. Vehicles cannot loiter near the building, which is now almost impregnable. What was once a symbol of unbridled capitalism has been turned into a fortress.

  President Trump’s residence atop the high-rise is largely empty these days, as he resides in the White House with his wife, Melania, and their twelve-year-old son, Barron, named after the legendary hotel mogul Barron Hilton.

  The Trump Organization, however, continues to operate out of the Tower, and deals are still being made. Presiding over the company is the president’s eldest son, forty-one-year-old Donald Trump Jr. His siblings, Ivanka, thirty-seven, and Eric, thirty-five, are also part of the operation, although Ivanka is often in Washington advising her father on certain matters. Her husband, Jared Kushner, also works in the White House as an adviser.

  But it is the outspoken Don Jr. who is his father’s most vocal defender and, to me, the family historian. All three of the president’s older children have a good rapport with him, but it is Don that is most like his father.

  If you research the Trump children, you will find some incredibly nasty material. This is unusual, because the press usually lays off presidential kids unless they actively seek to do damage.

  President George W. Bush’s twin daughters are treated gently by the media, as is Chelsea Clinton. And those presidential children are and were politically active to some extent.

  Until 1950, there was an unwritten rule in the press not to impugn the children of presidents. All that changed when Washington Post music critic Paul Hume attended a performance by Margaret Truman, who was singing professionally. Hume panned Miss Truman, Harry’s daughter, saying she couldn’t carry a tune.

  After reading the article, President Truman fumed, and then wrote Hume a little note: “Some day I hope to meet you. When that happens you’ll need a new nose, a lot of beefsteak for black eyes, and perhaps a supporter down below.”

  Truman wasn’t referring to a human supporter.

  Today, the press holds back nothing when it comes to Donald Trump and those around him. Cheap shots, negative speculation, and gross disrespect for the president are daily occurrences.

  The media hatred for Mr. Trump rivals only what Abraham Lincoln experienced, but modern communicati
on heightens the searing impact of the loathing campaign. It is yet another example of the deterioration of the country’s fourth estate. Even if you don’t approve of Donald Trump’s policies and demeanor, you should support honest reporting. The man is not Satan. It is undeniable that some of his initiatives have helped the country—for example, the successful campaign against ISIS.

  It is certainly true that some in the media embraced hatred while President Obama was in office, but not nearly to the extent we have today. Mr. Obama was often vilified on talk radio and on Fox News. If the criticism was about policy, where Mr. Obama certainly had some challenges, it was legitimate as long as facts were used in the analysis. But the negative personal stuff was disturbing, even though the vast majority of the press loved the president and his family.

  The corrupting aspect of attack journalism is that it is almost always based on anonymous sourcing. The smears come from unknown people with hidden agendas. And it’s easy to fabricate anonymous quotes. Very easy.

  In general, the truth about presidents is difficult to find, especially in personal situations. Family interactions are mostly private, and memories are faulty. Many children see their parents differently even though they resided with them in the same house. Patti Davis scorched her father publicly. Her stepbrother, Michael Reagan, repudiated much of what she said.

  As stated, the three oldest Trump children are united in their respect for their father even though their childhoods had unsettling moments. That is important to acknowledge if you want to know the truth about President Trump.

  I know Donald Trump Jr. slightly. I never interviewed him before this book because I rarely speak with the children of presidents on the air. An exception is Ron Reagan Jr., who somehow morphed into an outspoken liberal. I also talked professionally with Michael Reagan, who became a conservative radio talk show host.

  But if there is anyone on the planet who might describe Donald Trump the father with candor, it is his eldest son. He is a straightforward man.

  And so, I took the elevator up to Don Jr.’s office in Trump Tower to interrogate him. I always use the word interview instead of interrogate, but Don Jr. and everyone else in proximity knew what this was. As they say, my reputation had preceded me.

  * * *

  IN THE MID-1980S and throughout the ’90s, the Trump children were being raised in the Tower primarily by their mother and a bevy of trusted nannies.

  Donald Trump was also present. Somewhat.

  We began there:

  TRUMP JR.: If we wanted to see him, we could see him. If we called, he could be in the middle of the most important meeting, he’d take the phone call. If we wanted to show up in his office, we could play trucks while he’s dealing with the biggest guys in banking finance. We’d be making noise, and he was totally fine with it. He wasn’t, “Let’s go in the backyard for two hours and play catch.” That wasn’t his thing. He had some of what Fred had: “Come spend the day with me and we can go to the job site. You can watch me deal with things. You can watch me do deals in the office.” But it wasn’t a traditional [upbringing].

  O’REILLY: So, no Little League games, no bowling?

  TRUMP JR.: Very seldom. That was more common back then. Now, if I can’t show up at one of my kids’ things because of work, I’m like a leper. You’re the only dad not there. In the eighties, it was different.

  O’REILLY: So, he was working all the time.

  TRUMP JR.: You want to keep him busy. A busy Donald is a happy Donald.

  O’REILLY: Think back. You’ve got three kids at the dinner table. Did the family eat together?

  TRUMP JR.: The kids did with our mom.

  O’REILLY: How many nights [per week] would he be there?

  TRUMP JR.: Probably two or three nights a week. My parents were very social. We’d eat at six o’clock, then they’d go out.

  O’REILLY: Was it mostly adult conversation at the dinner table?

  TRUMP JR.: We’d talk with him, but he’d also be talking with my mother about business. He was good with the kids. He would joke and he’d wrestle with us, but it was for five minutes.

  O’REILLY: So, there was a lot of adult conversation, not so much what you kids were doing?

  TRUMP JR.: Usually, yes.

  O’REILLY: Politics at all?

  TRUMP JR.: Not as often. Political conversation came later on.

  O’REILLY: [Who was the] disciplinarian?

  TRUMP JR.: My mother.

  O’REILLY: Did he ever yell at you guys?

  TRUMP JR.: He got me good once. He was often the instigator. Putting my brother and sister [on the floor] and letting them fight. He’d sit there and laugh, and my mother would have to come in with her Eastern European accent and stop it. He’d get us wound up, then call in my mother to clean up the mess.

  O’REILLY: Ivanka, the daughter, was her relationship with her father different from yours?

  TRUMP JR.: Yeah … She’s Daddy’s little girl. I don’t want to say favorite, but as a father, I understand. I love [my kids] equally, but there’s a different level of protection [when you have a daughter].

  * * *

  O’REILLY: What did you do during the summers?

  TRUMP JR.: First half, we’d travel with our mother. Second half, I’d work … my first job was a dock attendant in Atlantic City. I was fourteen … You’re out in the sun, making tips, you’re in a marina, good-looking girls around.

  The Trumps at Mar-a-Lago. From left, Ivana, Eric, Donald, Ivanka.

  Then [my father] says you’ve got to do something as it relates to real estate. So, he puts us in landscaping. I always say that Eric and I are the only sons of a billionaire that can drive a D10 Caterpillar, because we actually did it.

  Ivanka, Eric, and Donald in 1992.

  I remember going to him [and saying,] “We’re making the same minimum wage we were making in the marina, but no tips. I’m working much harder and making less money. Why aren’t you paying us more?” And it was a very Trumpian response: “Why would I pay you more than you’re willing to work for?” That was a lesson. In life you’re not going to get anything you don’t ask for. If you want it, you better go get it.

  * * *

  THE MOST DIFFICULT childhood moments for Don Jr. and his siblings came after their parents broke up when he was twelve years old. We’ll chronicle that in upcoming pages. It was tough on the kids, as Don will explain.

  Overall, it is clear that the Trump children were not exactly reenacting The Waltons. They were chauffeured to elite Manhattan private schools and spent time in their other lavish homes in Greenwich, Connecticut, and later in Palm Beach. It was a privileged upbringing in every sense. There were happy days, but not Happy Days, a sitcom readily available to the kids on TV in Trump Tower. There was no Arnold’s Drive-In; no Richie, no Potsie and certainly no Fonz. Donald Trump was not Mr. C; nor Ivana, Marion. The Trump kids experienced life in a far different way than most American children do.

  That way was challenged beginning in 1989, when the Trump empire almost collapsed.

  And when the family actually did.

  CHAPTER TWELVE

  MANHATTAN

  APRIL 1990

  MORNING

  The prince of the city is under siege. An army of bankers and investors has Donald Trump surrounded, and unfriendly fire is everywhere. His balance sheet is insane, the Trump Organization has amassed debts totaling $3.4 billion. The real estate mogul, now forty-three, personally owes about $600 million—guarantees of borrowed money he now cannot repay.

  In addition, Donald Trump is pursuing an extramarital affair with a woman named Marla Maples, a Georgia model. Just a few weeks ago, Marla was on the cover of People magazine with the blaring headline “Trump Princess.”

  The kingdom of Trump is on a cliff, and strong winds are blowing.

  Throughout the 1980s, Trump put together deal after deal using borrowed bank money and revenue from junk bonds that sometimes paid 14 percent interest to those investors who pu
rchased them. Donald ran wild with the cash, buying a football team, an airline, the legendary Plaza Hotel, and three Atlantic City casinos, among other things. He couldn’t possibly micromanage all the projects, so he had to delegate. Obviously, that became a problem, one his father had warned him about.

  Donald Trump became the quintessential real estate gambler who didn’t know when to fold ’em because he didn’t even know how the cards were being dealt in some key parts of his empire.

  The casinos killed him. In October 1987, the stock market crashed, leading to a national recession. As Ronald Reagan was preparing to vacate the White House, the go-go ’80s suddenly became somber, and many high rollers disappeared from the Trump Castle and the Trump Plaza in Atlantic City. The $1 billion Taj Mahal casino was just getting started and needed to gross approximately $1.3 million a day in order to simply break even. Trump carried enormous debt on all his gambling properties. Eventually, he could not make the interest payments to the banks and bond holders who had financed him.

  Lawyers descended. Chase Manhattan, Bear Stearns, Citibank, and dozens of other creditors lined up demanding payment from the prince, or else.

  But Donald Trump didn’t buckle. He did what he always did: he made deals.

  His 282-foot yacht went first. Then the Trump Shuttle, which had actually increased market share 20 percent from when Eastern Airlines owned it. The private jet was also sold. Yet billions were still owed by the Trump Organization.

  Then Trump pulled off the biggest coup of his life until he won the presidential election of 2016: he convinced the banks to lend him even more money to pay off what he owed. It was beyond audacious.

  The Trump pitch was a thing of ruthless simplicity, which I will paraphrase: “We have two choices. First, you can lend me more money so I can pay my debts and continue operating, eventually becoming profitable again. Or two, I can declare total bankruptcy and nobody will get anything.”