The Last of the President's Men

by Bob Woodward

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  In memory of Ben Bradlee

  AUTHOR’S PERSONAL NOTE

  Evelyn M. Duffy has assisted me on three previous books, one on President George W. Bush, and two on President Obama. This is the fourth in the last eight years. She dove into this book on President Nixon with determination and ingenuity. The one characteristic, above all others, you want in an assistant is a capacity for hard work. It is a central feature of her character.

  She is relentless, focused and driven by a natural curiosity and deep sense of fairness. She reads, absorbs, comprehends and interprets rapidly. A simple question will yield a one-to-five-page memo.

  Evelyn transcribed my first long interview with Alexander Butterfield and immediately alerted me to the possibility and importance of getting the story and documents from the last of Nixon’s men. She was intimately involved in planning our approach. She made two solo trips to La Jolla and spent days interviewing Butterfield and reviewing files and documents.

  We discussed the importance of getting a fourth wind on this project. She supplied that fourth wind. I can pay her no greater compliment. Even after we had emptied Butterfield’s memory and records and sifted through the boxes, she saw the necessity to go back again—to review, check and dig deeper.

  She helped me with some initial drafts of sections, and edited everything many, many times. She spent days at the Nixon Library in California searching for a few specific needles in one of the largest archival haystacks in America. This became not just a project but a passion. Her stamina to address the unanswered questions is unmatched. I enjoyed watching her relish the inner workings of this strange White House, the twists and turns of the Nixon inner sanctum.

  When we started together in 2007, she would carefully make discreet suggestions. Now she says we have to do certain things and challenges me, directly but in her friendly, genuine way. I immediately—or later—realize she is right. And she understands the lessons of Nixon, his presidency and Butterfield, who became our witness—hers as much as mine.

  NOTE ON THE EBOOK

  The Last of the President’s Men contains scanned physical documents displayed in the ebook as full page images. On the page following each document the publisher has included a reflowable text transcription of the typewritten and handwritten text.

  PROLOGUE

  Near the end of July 2014 I flew to California to meet with Alexander P. Butterfield, the former aide to President Richard Nixon who disclosed the secret White House taping system 41 years earlier.

  The tapes provided the proof of Nixon’s direct role in the cover-up of Watergate, other crimes and government abuses. Without that evidence, Nixon certainly would have been able to stay in office.

  “There’s more to the story of Nixon,” Butterfield told me.

  He picked me up at the airport in his Cadillac and we drove to his condominium two blocks from the Pacific Ocean in La Jolla. For 20 years before joining the Nixon White House staff, he had been one of the Air Force’s most accomplished pilots. He drove confidently and fast.

  At age 88, Butterfield, 6-foot-2 with salt white hair, walked with a slight stoop. But he was energetic and vital. He chatted comfortably, and he was dressed neatly in freshly pressed slacks and shirt.

  He pulled into his space beneath his building and put a key in the elevator, which slowly took us to his second-floor penthouse. We got off the elevator and entered his bachelor residence of five large rooms.

  I quickly scanned the open-plan living area with its modern furnishings and a dark, heavy-wood circular table used as much for work as dining.

  What really snapped me to attention were 20 boxes and piles of documents and files he had agreed to bring out of storage for my assistant, Evelyn Duffy, and me to read and copy. Here, after all these decades, was a vast new archive, unknown until now.

  One of Butterfield’s jobs in the Nixon White House had been to prevent departing staffers from leaving with official documents. But when he left in 1973, he carted off literally thousands of documents from the White House. Many are originals. Though Butterfield is normally very neat and organized—even fastidious—the arrival of new boxes and files from storage had created an unusual disorder.

  I immediately began dipping into the boxes and opening files. They contained everything from routine chronologies to bizarre memos outlining Nixon’s orders. Included were some previously undisclosed Top Secret exchanges with Henry Kissinger, Nixon’s national security adviser, and a few highly classified bulletins of the CIA.

  Some were neatly organized, including copies on onionskin paper of all memos Butterfield wrote. These were in a monthly file about two inches thick for each of the 50 months he was in the White House—a virtual diary. Other files were scattered about the five rooms, cluttering his bedroom, office and study. Closets contained more boxes, books, folders and dossiers—some from the White House and others from his time in the Air Force. One tall stack of boxes was housed in an unused shower stall.

  The boxes also contained parts of an unpublished memoir he had written in the 1990s. Butterfield gave me a copy of the chapter drafts that he still retained, and he has given me permission to quote from them.

  In all, over 11 months in 2014 and 2015, I interviewed him for more than 40 hours on digital audio recordings or digital video.

  His documents, the interviews and his memoir chapter drafts provide a remarkable stream of anecdotes, recollections and new episodes not found in the public record or histories. The result is a deeper, more disturbing and baffling portrait of Nixon. Though Butterfield has given occasional interviews and speeches over the decades, his personal odyssey, precisely how and why he decided to disclose the existence of the taping system, is largely untold. In some respects he has been waiting in plain sight to share the intimate details of his experience in the Nixon White House.

  I did not realize this until July 18, 2011, when he visited a house my wife and I have on the South River near Annapolis, Maryland. We spent the day together with the tape recorder going. In 2014 he agreed to let me tell his story in full and gave me access to his voluminous records in La Jolla.

  Butterfield has had prostate cancer for years. Despite this and other minor health problems, I found his memory to be superb. He is an excellent witness. During the course of our interviews he would quote Nixon, participants or himself verbatim about an important incident. Then months later we would review the incident and he would give the same account, often recalling the same quotations.

  He is not seeking employment. He neither asked for nor has he received money from me or my publisher.

  He is a proud man but over the course of the interviews he made what lawyers call “admissions against interest.” He recalled with unusual candor incidents that he knows are embarrassing and do not reflect well on him.

  Seen up close through Butterfield’s eyes and documents, Nixon is both smaller and larger.

  The focus of this book is on these two men—Nixon and Butterfield. Three months after leaving the White House, Butterfield disclosed Nixon’s secret taping system to the Senate Watergate Committee.

  The hundreds of hours of the secret recordings made public in a piecemeal fashion over four decades have come to define Nixon and his five and a half years in the White House.

  As a deputy assistant to the president, Butterfield occupied the office next to Nixon’s Oval Of
fice for three of his four years in the White House. He became a witness to, and extension of, Nixon’s strategies, likes, dislikes and whims. When Nixon was in Washington, Butterfield was the first to see him in the morning and the last to see him at night. He was one of only a very few who knew about the secret taping system.

  In his memoir, RN, Nixon said he was “shocked” that Butterfield betrayed the secret. “I had believed that the existence of the White House taping system would never be revealed,” Nixon wrote.

  The secret taping system was not put in place until February 1971. There are no tapes of the first two years of the Nixon presidency. By virtue of his proximity to the center of the Nixon universe and his extraordinary memory, Butterfield himself essentially became that tape recorder.

  After Nixon resigned in August 1974 he spent much of the remaining 20 years of his life conducting a war on history, trying to diminish his role in Watergate and other crimes, while attempting to elevate his foreign policy and other accomplishments.

  But nearly each year since 1974 new tapes and documents have been released showing the depth of his criminality and abuse of power.

  Yet history is never complete, never fully told or settled. I thought the story of Nixon was over for me in 2005 when former FBI associate director Mark Felt publicly revealed that he was the secret source known as Deep Throat. He was among the key sources that Carl Bernstein and I used in reporting the Watergate story for The Washington Post.

  Alex Butterfield was not a typical presidential aide. Most aides get their jobs as rewards for longtime service to the successful candidate. Butterfield came in as an outsider, spent four years in the Nixon White House as a key insider, and then left as an outsider, files in tow.

  So the story, like most of history, does not end.

  1

  * * *

  Colonel Butterfield was in a foul mood. The 42-year-old Air Force officer was on the path to four stars, and maybe the top uniformed job in the Air Force. “I was an ambitious son of a bitch,” he said later, “and I’d been lucky. I had a very good record. I was in this thing to go all the way . . . to be the chief of staff.”

  He was, however, stuck in Australia as the senior U.S. military officer and representative of CINCPAC, the Commander in Chief Pacific—a reward for years in Vietnam and in the Office of the Secretary of Defense as liaison to the Lyndon Johnson White House. He had been promised he would only be in Australia for two years, but now they, the mysterious they, wanted to extend him another two years.

  He saw it as a career disaster, keeping him out of the action, the “smoke” as he called it—the center of things. The “smoke” was Washington or Vietnam, where he had flown 98 combat reconnaissance missions.

  On this particular day, November 20, 1968, he was in Port Moresby, New Guinea, the giant island in the Pacific, just north of Australia, traveling with the U.S. ambassador to Australia.

  Butterfield picked up a copy of the Tok-Tok, the local newspaper. Here would be some intel on what was going on in the smoke. He took the paper back to his motel room and settled in with a sandwich. The main story was Richard Nixon, who had just won election as president 15 days earlier. Butterfield had voted for him.

  He stopped cold. Nixon’s top aide was identified as H.R. “Bob” Haldeman. Was it possible? Haldeman was an old college acquaintance. It was astonishing that Haldeman was running the transition team preparing to take over the White House and the U.S. government.

  Butterfield and Haldeman had known each other as students at the University of California at Los Angeles (UCLA) in the mid-1940s. Their girlfriends, whom they each later married, were Kappa Kappa Gamma sorority sisters and close friends. The couples had double-dated. Haldeman was quiet, a somewhat colorless man, austere, not very political. He often came across as a bit of an asshole who was brusque with his girlfriend, Jo. Butterfield had lost touch with Haldeman but Jo and Butterfield’s wife, Charlotte, exchanged Christmas cards and snapshots of their children.

  It wasn’t much to hang on to. But a fighter pilot knew about coincidence and chance, the quick maneuver in the air. It was the difference between ace or dead.

  Haldeman! He tried to recall everything about him. How much could you learn from a double date and hanging around Fraternity Row? They had been in different fraternities. Haldeman was a Beta, which was considered the best. Old Harry Robbins, H.R. “Bob.” Butterfield needed an exit strategy and now he thought, “Here’s my out.” It was worth a try.

  Butterfield had almost perfect Efficiency Reports, the formal evaluations that drive promotions. He had served as aide to two generals. With a gentle, relaxed charm he knew how to please the boss without fawning. He had earned early promotions, and his personnel file was stuffed with letters of commendation from top civilians at the Pentagon and from Vice President Hubert Humphrey. He looked the part of the classic Air Force officer. “He was drop-dead handsome,” said Charlotte in 2014, nearly 30 years after their divorce.

  “If you’re going to get promoted to general officer,” Butterfield told me later, “you’ve got to be where the smoke is . . . in a really important, highly visible job in either Washington, D.C., or back in Vietnam. And command of a tactical fighter wing in Vietnam is what I wanted in the worst way.

  “I was desperate to get back to Vietnam. If I have to be delayed [in Australia] for another two years, I’m dead in the water. I’m frantic, I’m actually frantic. I hate to admit that.” The urgency, he said, was simply because no one knew how long the war would last, and he did not want to miss out.

  Butterfield awoke the next morning to heavy rain in New Guinea, and lay in bed thinking. If only he could talk with Haldeman, an unhurried session to tout his record: Defense Secretary Robert McNamara had employed him as a contact point in the White House. He had prepared McNamara’s regular military reports to the cabinet and accompanied him whenever he visited the White House. He knew a lot about power levers in Washington. He wanted to tell his UCLA pal about how crucial it was for him to be in an important, high-visibility assignment when he would became eligible for promotion to brigadier general, the one-star generalship, and the road to the smoke.

  Would Haldeman understand? Could he possibly pull some strings? There were lots of strings to be pulled, especially from the vantage of the White House.

  The weather stayed bad. Good. He wanted time. He grabbed the shuttle bus to the tiny airport terminal. Scanning the day-old paper from Sydney, he saw nothing about Nixon or his transition. Damn it! He thumbed through the other newspapers and several magazines. Nothing. At the counter, he sipped orange juice and coffee. The rain continued. Butterfield’s mind was churning hard. He bought an inexpensive bag of cookies and returned to the motel and hung the pidgin sign on the door: NO WAKIM MANISLIP (Do Not Disturb). Shedding his damp clothes, he put on a robe and sat to write. “Dear Bob . . .”

  At first Butterfield wanted to describe his plight and see if Haldeman would intervene and assist with a new Air Force assignment. He wanted to get back to Vietnam with a wing command, a large unit of 75 or more planes. That seemed incredibly audacious. But Butterfield’s strong suit was personality. At UCLA he had been named the Most Collegiate Looking Male, and in high school the Most Popular. He had been class president twice in two different high schools, and student body president at the end of his junior year. He had earned letters and gold awards in football, basketball and track. Soon the letter to Haldeman was a direct appeal for a face-to-face meeting at the Pierre Hotel in New York, where the president-elect had set up his transition shop. Just 20 to 30 minutes. That was a bold request but Butterfield was a solid and respectable voice from the past.

  He was running out of motel stationery, down to the last sheet. Going over to the bed, he lay down. What did he really want? Was it just an assist with a new assignment? Or was it more?

  Butterfield imagined himself in an office talking to Haldeman. Would Bob still have that businesslike aura? The cold efficiency had doubtless appealed to Nixon
. Butterfield knew the type from the Air Force. If he could get an audience, he would be able to establish a rapport. That was what he did, that was one of his talents. He knew that it was also dicey. If he went outside the chain of command to Haldeman, it could be seen as an impropriety. So he had to ask himself, What is my true objective? Why is it suddenly so important to put myself in front of Haldeman and try to impress him?

  But in one of those rationalizations common to all and for which Butterfield forgave himself, he decided he could offer his professional services for a post on Nixon’s National Security Council staff. That would position him to return to Vietnam. That could be easy, he figured. He had to present himself as a clear-eyed colonel of excellent character and deportment. He was a graduate of the National War College, had a master’s degree in foreign affairs, had lived in six foreign countries. He pretty well knew the world and the issues. Not a bad package, he concluded. He was also combat ready and trained in every facet of tactical aviation—air-to-air, air-to-ground, air defense and reconnaissance. He was one of the few Air Force colonels with that range of experience. For two years, he also had been a member of the Air Force Skyblazers, America’s only formation aerobatic team in Europe.

  Out of motel stationery, he went to the front desk and got more. Soon back in Australia, he revised his letter, making it into a biographical résumé, and sent it off. Later he tried to call Haldeman in New York. No luck.

  Finally, Butterfield reached Larry Higby, Haldeman’s executive assistant, on the phone. Higby was Mr. Step-and-Fetch-It. (Later in the Nixon White House the staff assistants were called “Higbys.” Even Higby eventually had a Higby who was known as “Higby’s Higby.”)

  “Colonel Butterfield, this is Larry Higby. Bob is busy now. Can I be helpful? Bob knows you’re calling and he told me you two knew each other at UCLA.”