Joan of Kent: The First Princess of Wales

by Penny Lawne

  On 19 July 1362, Edward III formally dubbed his son and heir Prince of Aquitaine at Westminster Abbey in a ceremony attended by all the most important members of the nobility and clergy, and the prince, clad in armour, knelt in homage to his father, undertaking to pay an ounce of gold annually in acknowledgement of his sovereignty.2 It was intentionally a superlative propaganda exercise, with letters sent by the king to his subjects in Aquitaine to give them the news, publicly proclaiming throughout Europe Edward III’s supremacy over the French king as acknowledged in the Treaty of Brétigny. The event was duly recorded in a formal charter, drawn up by the prince’s clerk, John Carleton, setting out the terms on which the principality was granted to the prince. This charter can be seen in the National Archives. The main message is set out at the beginning of the charter:

  Edward by the Grace of God, King of England, Lord of Ireland and of Aquitaine to our most dear eldest son Edward Prince of Wales, Greeting … Intending by a liberal Recompense to do Honour unto you who lately in the parts of Aquitaine and Gascoigne, while there the frequent storms of war raged, for our sakes did not refuse the Summer Dust, and the Labour of War, but under the Name and the title of Lieutenant have supported the Burthen of our Cares, and with your Presence supplied our Absence, out of the princely Prerogative we do convey and grant unto you by these Presents the principality of the under written Lands and Provinces of all Aquitaine and Gascoigne willingly and granting that of all and singular the said Places, Lands and Provinces in our Name, next and immediate under our Throne and Government you from henceforth the true Prince, and freely during your natural Life enjoy the Title, Appellation and Name of the Prince of Aquitaine …

  The charter concludes,

  Now to take away all Doubts and Contentions which may arise hereafter about this Matter, and to the end that the Affair may be more clear, we reserve to ourselves, and to our Majesty royal, expressly and by Tenor of these Presents, the direct Supremacy, and all the Sovereignty and resort of the whole principality of Aquitaine and Gascoigne. And for an evident Token and clear Demonstration that our said son shall hold, and ought to hold unto us of our said Majesty, and by liege Homage, the which he hath made unto us at present … he shall be obliged to pay unto us every Year at our Palace of Westminster, on the Feast of Easter one Ounce of Gold … in token and Recognition of our supreme Dominion. Given under our Great Seal at the Palace of Westminster 19 July 1362.3

  This was a momentous occasion for both the king and his son. For Edward III, the prince’s marriage and his appointment in Aquitaine completed with a satisfying resonance the desired order within the royal progeny. His heir was now settled, with a new kingdom of his own to govern and a wife, and it was confidently expected that in due course Joan would bear children, providing the hoped-for next generation. Comfortable that his heir was secure Edward III turned his attention to his younger sons, and using the occasion of his own fiftieth birthday on 13 November 1362 he created Lionel Duke of Clarence, John Duke of Lancaster and Edmund Earl of Cambridge. For the prince, now Prince of Aquitaine, a future beckoned away from his father’s court. He had a newly created territory to rule, with the expectation that this would be his home until the time came for him to succeed his father. In 1362, with Edward III a hale and hearty fifty-year-old, this must have seemed a long way off.

  When the prince and Joan arrived in Aquitaine, they would need to establish themselves with their own court. As Princess of Aquitaine, Joan would preside over what would in effect be a satellite royal court. Although there was no precedent for her position, she would be expected to behave as befitted a queen. Guidance for her role was limited. In terms of literary advice, the most notable text was Giles of Rome’s De regimine principum, and Giles argued that queens should be noble, beautiful, virtuous, temperate, chaste and not given to idleness.4 Few queens were able to live up to such exacting perfection. The prince’s grandmother, Queen Isabella, had hardly conformed to this ideal when she took a lover and deposed her husband, although the Pope, rather than condemning her behaviour, went to great lengths to persuade Edward III and Philippa to be reconciled to the dowager queen, in order that ‘her good name may remain intact’.5 Chastity was of paramount importance. Isabella’s sisters-in-law, Marguerite of Burgundy and Blanche of Hungary, were both imprisoned following allegations of adultery in 1314, with Froissart noting that Blanche ‘kept but evil the sacrament of matrimony … she was kept a long space in prison in the Castle Gaillard’, after which unedifying episode Blanche’s angry husband Charles (later Charles IV of France) put her aside to remarry.6 Edward I’s two queens provided more suitable role models, Margaret being Joan’s own grandmother, but fortunately there was a living exemplar at hand in Queen Philippa. The difficulty for Joan was that as the first Princess of Wales there was no precedent for her role, and while she might look to her mother-in-law for guidance, their backgrounds were quite different. Philippa had been a princess in her own right when she married Edward III, and brought him prestige and a diplomatic alliance. Joan’s own birth and wealth did not add to the prince’s prestige, and there was the disadvantage of her marital history. Nevertheless, in terms of how she might conduct herself, she could look to Philippa’s example. Although she had spent the last ten years away from the court, Joan was no stranger to its ways, and knew what would be expected of her. Before leaving England she had the opportunity to take her mother-in-law’s advice. The queen had consistently throughout her marriage deferred to her husband and supported him in all ways, accompanying him on his travels whenever she could. This was a model that Joan would emulate.

  In many respects the prince could hardly have chosen a woman better suited to be his wife. From the start of their marriage Joan took her lead from her husband. At thirty-one, Prince Edward was considerably older than either his father or his brothers had been when they married, and had a clear idea of his own distinction. He was used to commanding respect and obedience and from the beginning of their marriage had taken control of Joan’s affairs. Having already been married to a man with a strong and dominating personality this would not have daunted Joan, but it would undoubtedly affect how she conducted herself as princess of both Wales and Aquitaine. At the time of their marriage the prince’s career was at its peak. He was widely admired by his contemporaries, friends and enemies alike, and considered a model of chivalric virtue. Just as his father was being compared by contemporary chroniclers to Arthur, so, to many, did the prince resemble an Arthurian knightly hero. Marrying a popular and very public hero presented additional challenges, and brought with it the almost inevitable corollary that Joan would be expected to live up to her husband. The combination of Joan’s beauty, her dubious marital history and her new status as Princess of Wales inevitably led chroniclers like Froissart to identify her as a flawed heroine of Guineverian proportions, a reputation which grew posthumously. It is hardly surprising that Joan would later be given the leading romantic role in various tales of doubtful substance, such as the founding of the Order of the Garter, and the tale of Edward III rescuing the beautiful and besieged Countess of Salisbury from Wark Castle. Yet Joan was not, and could not afford to be, simply an adornment at the prince’s side. As his wife she would have her own responsibilities and duties, and she would need to exert her own authority while ensuring that she did not go against her husband’s wishes. In Aquitaine Joan would play hostess to the local nobility as well as her husband’s knights, and she would need to be diplomatic, tactful and patient, while retaining her dignity and good humour. Her marital history would be a crucial determinant in how she behaved. Apart from the fact that this had already caused the prince and his father to execute an elaborate plan to ensure papal cooperation, Joan’s honour was at stake. Scandal must be avoided. Joan would hardly have needed reminding by her husband that she should not put her reputation at risk in any way.

  Prince Edward had originally anticipated that they would leave for Aquitaine shortly after he was created Prince of Aquitaine. Preparati
ons had been in hand for some months beforehand. There was a lot to do, not least in discussion with his father and with ministers on how his role in Aquitaine would relate to the English Crown. Every military campaign entailed months of preparation and planning, and the logistics for a permanent settlement in Aquitaine required similarly thorough if not more detailed thought and attention. The prince needed to consult his own council and ensure that his own estate affairs, and those of his wife, were in order before he left, and that they would continue to be run efficiently and competently while he was away. A secret cipher was devised for the prince to write himself using his two mottoes of ‘Ich dene’ and ‘Houmont’ and the ostrich feather, and a new seal made for him by his goldsmith John Hiltoft.7 He made arrangements with his staff on how he would communicate with them from Aquitaine and how they would report to him. Decisions needed to be taken about who and what the prince took with him. Planning a lavish lifestyle, this included carefully securing the exclusive service of a goldsmith named Lyon and two embroiders, Hans Stowsburgh and Terri de Coloigne, promising them lodging and expenses in Bordeaux.8 Joan made her own arrangements too, including having a litter made for her use in Aquitaine.9 By July everything seemed to be in place. On 30 July the king granted his son the right to receive 60,000 crowns in gold due from John II’s ransom, and on 29 August licence to make his will to ensure the payment of his debts, while throughout August and September ships were ordered to Plymouth to facilitate the prince’s passage.10 £1,000 was borrowed from the Earl of Arundel to help pay the immediate costs. At the end of August the prince and Joan left London and travelled to Cornwall, staying at Restormel Castle, and then journeyed on to Plymouth where they waited to embark. Restormel was a Norman castle which had fallen into some disrepair, and the prince had recently spent a considerable sum on bringing it back into a habitable state (today, little remains of the castle). However, a combination of poor weather conditions and insufficient ships prevented the prince’s fleet from sailing as planned. Severe storms caused considerable damage throughout the country that winter, with entire houses being blown down, and at Kennington the roof of the chapel was virtually destroyed, requiring extensive repair.11 The prince and Joan spent their second winter together at Restormel rather than in France as hoped.

  Joan would naturally have been occupied with her husband’s affairs, and with her children, during the months before their departure for Aquitaine, but she did not neglect her own affairs, remembering and rewarding friends and servants from her life with Thomas Holand, and ensuring that these were ratified by the prince. Throughout 1362 and 1363 grants and annuities were made and confirmed, particularly to estate workers and members of her household on Joan’s Yorkshire and Derbyshire estates, especially Castle Donington, such as Reynold and Alice Lewes, granted a life interest in a property on the Donington estate, and Maud la Zouche, given 1d a day for her good service to Joan from Kirkby Moorside manor.12 Old friends were remembered, like Sir Richard Pembridge, who was granted a life interest in the annual rental paid by the abbot of Stratford in Essex.13 Joan might well have used her new position to assist some of these people in their career, but she was wise enough to do so in a very modest way. One recipient of her assistance was Robert Braybrooke, son of her parents’ old friend Gerard Braybrooke. Gerard had acted as attorney for Joan’s brother John, and then for Joan and Thomas prior to his death in 1355, and he had fought in the prince’s division at Crécy. His older son Gerard had joined in the prince’s entourage as a squire and would go to Aquitaine with them. Robert was the younger son, born in 1336 and destined for the Church. He went to Oxford to read civil law and by 1359 had obtained a dispensation to become a priest, and after his father died was granted a rectory at Clifton in Bedfordshire while his older brothers, Gerard and Henry, both became squires to the prince.14 Joan became friendly with Robert while she was married to Thomas Holand, and by the time she married the prince she had become very fond of him, describing him as her ‘beloved kinsman’ when she petitioned the Pope requesting a canonry at York for him in 1363.15 Although this was an unexceptional promotion for an able young clergyman, it was an important step in his career. In view of the evident affection Joan had for him, and the close family ties, with his brothers being part of the prince’s retinue, it is possible that Robert joined her household staff and accompanied her to Aquitaine, although there is no evidence to substantiate this. Despite the warmth of the attachment Joan had for Robert, her request did not display any special favouritism as she made similar applications for several other young men, including John Carleton and John Stene, formerly part of the prince’s retinue, who became clerks to Joan immediately after her marriage and for whom she also requested canonries in September 1363.16

  It was expected that Joan and Edward would take a sizeable entourage with them. Joan’s daughters, Maud and Joan, would accompany them and they would need supervision and tutoring. Joan probably entrusted their care to her close friend Eleanor de la Warr, the wife of one of the prince’s bannerets, Roger de la Warr, who was related to Joan by marriage. Roger was Thomas Holand’s nephew, the son of his sister Margaret and John de la Warr. The de la Warr family seat was at Swineshead in Lincolnshire, and Roger’s first wife Elizabeth came from a Lincolnshire family.17 Roger was also distantly related to Joan through her mother’s family; Joan’s great aunt, Isabella Wake, married Thomas Grelley, and Thomas’ sister Joan Grelley married Roger’s grandfather, John de la Warr.18 Roger had been knighted at La Hogue with the prince in 1346, fighting subsequently in the Crécy and Calais campaigns with Thomas, with his brother John, who was also one of Thomas’ retinue, accompanying him to Brittany in 1354 and 1358.19 Roger had also fought with the prince in the Poitiers campaign and in 1357 had become a banneret, receiving gifts from the prince of a helm for the jousts and a ventail in 1359.20 Significantly, Roger had been one of the witnesses to the prince’s wedding to Joan, indicating an attachment between the two men.21 Eleanor was Roger’s second wife, and as Blanche Wake’s niece (her grandfather was Henry of Lancaster) the family connection was further strengthened.22 It is not clear when she and Joan became friends but it seems likely that in 1349 when Joan officially became Lady Holand the close ties between their husbands drew them together. Roger was one of the few people who knew the full details of Joan’s marital history, as he had also been a witness at William Montague’s marriage to Elizabeth in 1349, after William’s marriage to Joan was declared null and void.23 Roger and Eleanor’s second son was named Thomas, probably after Thomas Holand, while their daughter was named Joan; in all probability Thomas and Joan were their godparents. The entire de la Warr family sailed with Joan and the prince, with Roger and his eldest son John forming part of the prince’s retinue, Thomas as Joan’s clerk, and Eleanor and Joan among Joan’s household. Eleanor endured the months of waiting in Cornwall with Joan, and in November 1362 the prince, probably at his wife’s behest, ordered a tun of wine to be delivered to her as a gift.24 In September 1363 Joan requested a dispensation for Thomas de la Warr to be ordained priest at the age of twenty, giving him a start in what became a successful ecclesiastical career.25

  Another possible member of Joan’s household was her sister-in-law Elizabeth, whose new husband Eustace d’Aubrichecourt had joined the prince’s entourage. A hint of the continuing closeness between the sisters-in-law is indicated by Elizabeth’s agreement to release her dower manor of Woking to Joan in June 1363 for £400.26 The manor was a special place for them both, as it had been Joan’s brother John’s favourite residence, and where he had died. In 1364, Joan granted the manor to her son and heir Thomas on the occasion of his marriage to Alice. Joan would also be joined by the wives of many of her husband’s retinue, some of whom she would become closer to than others. One new relationship forged in the summer and autumn of 1362 was with Elizabeth Luttrell, whose husband Andrew served the prince. Elizabeth was the daughter of the Earl of Devon, and the negotiations between Elizabeth’s father and the prince for the marria
ge of Elizabeth’s nephew, Hugh, to Joan’s daughter Maud, fostered a growing relationship between Elizabeth and Joan. By September 1363 their friendship was of sufficient intimacy for Joan to request the Pope to permit Andrew and Elizabeth to have a portable altar and give them licence to choose their own confessors while making the same request for herself.27 The family connection was strengthened when Andrew’s relative, another Sir Andrew Luttrell, married Hawisia Despenser in the chapel of Blanche Wake’s castle at Bourne in the autumn of 1363.28

  Given the importance and potential power Joan now had as Princess of Wales, it is surprising that there is so little evidence of her exercising significant patronage between the time of her wedding and her return from Aquitaine in 1371. Although individual accounts for her household have not survived, had Joan shown any substantial and particular generosity towards an individual or a religious order or educational establishment this would be apparent from the official records, and would have been publicly recognised. It is evident that Joan took care to be restrained in her affairs, and chose not to copy her husband’s lavish generosity. This did not mean that Joan had no interest in patronage. As is evident from the small ways in which she sought favours for her staff and gave gifts to her friends and rewards to her retainers, she had a close interest in their welfare, but favoured a modest approach towards promoting the individual and causes she held most dear. From the start of her marriage to the prince, it is apparent that Joan made the choice to be discreet in how she used her influence. Her discretion would be a quality which would stand her in good stead in the years to come.