The Punjab Story

by Amarjit Kaur

  The Akali Dal also wanted to link the demands for the amendment of Article 25 with the idea of a separate personal law for the Sikhs. However, no concrete proposals have been submitted.

  The timing and manner in which the demand for amendment of Article 25 was presented are typical of the Akali Dal’s approach to negotiations. When some issues appeared to have been settled, new issues were raised, thereby frustrating the possibility of a settlement. The Akali Dal appeared to want to keep an agitation going on some issue or other, regardless of the consequences of such agitation which progressively grew more and more violent.

  III

  TERROR AND VIOLENCE IN PUNJAB

  The sectarian feud between some fundamentalist Sikhs and Nirankaris was the starting point of the tragic events in Punjab. The clashes of April 1978 and later were climaxed by the assassination of Baba Gurbachan Singh, the spiritual head of the Nirankaris, on 24 April 1980. Thereafter, dogmatism and extremism, accompanied by terror and violence, were to overwhlem the political life of Punjab.

  STRUCTURE OF VOILENCE

  In the course of time communal separatism became an integral part of a movement which was started in the name of grievances of all Punjabis. This outcome was dictated by the interaction of the forces at work. The agitation of the Akali Dal, the virulent communalism bred by extremism and the secessionist and anti-national activities of a small group, largely supported by external elements, formed a symbiotic relationship. Added to this was the combination of several disparate groups and individuals such as smugglers, other criminals and Naxalites who took advantage of the unsettled conditions. Many who thought that the political aspect could be isolated from the problems of terrorism and secessionism overlooked the complex and changing pattern of these relationships. However, the politics of extremist violence have their own dynamics. It is only a matter of time before they subjugate other tendencies. This has happened before, and it is not surprising that in Punjab also violence and terror gained the upper hand.

  The Akali Dal did not unequivocally condemn the killings, arson and loot which were enveloping the state. Nor did it denounce the poisonous propaganda of communal fanatics. Similarly, the misuse of the Golden Temple and other shrines for accumulation of large quantities of arms and ammunition, for providing shelter to murderers and criminals and for making detailed preparations for subversion and insurgency, drew no protest from the Akali Dal leadership who even denied the very existence of such activities. An aggressive group, operating from within the Golden Temple complex, gradually enlarged the scale of violence, in full confidence that the political leadership would not call it to account.

  Even before the Akali Dal submitted its demands to the government, the All India Sikh Students Federation and the Dal Khalsa began to incite communal passions. The arrest of Shri Bhindranwale on 20 September 1981 in connection with the murder of Lala Jagat Narain earlier in the month sparked off large-scale violence in Mehta Chowk where the police were attacked with deadly weapons. The same day motorcycle riders killed four persons in Jullundur, starting the cult of killings by motorcyclists. On 29 September 1981 an Indian Airlines plane was hijacked to Lahore by some Sikh extremists.

  THE GROWTH OF MILITANCY

  This was the background for the start of the Akali agitation in April-May 1982. On 19 July 1982 Shri Amreek Singh, president, All India Sikh Students Federation (AISSF), was arrested in connection with a case of an attempted murder. The same day Shri Bhindranwale shifted his headquarters from Chowk Mehta to Guru Nank Niwas within the Golden Temple complex, a move which had significant implications for future developments.

  On 4 August 1982 the Akali Dal intensified its morcha describing it as a ‘Dharam Yudh.’ Two incidents of hijacking of Indian Airlines planes followed. Shri Bhindranwale and others in the Golden Temple complex began to extol and instigate violence.

  The government released all arrested Akali Dal agitators in October 1982 to facilitate talks, and repeatedly appealed to the Akali Dal leadership to give up the path of confrontation. The response of the Akali Dal consisted of announcements of a series of agitations from November 1982 to June 1983, including the threat of demonstrations during the Asian Games, in November-December 1982. Throughout this period conscientious police officers were systematically done to death, the gravest of all such crimes being the dastardly murder of Shri A.S. Atwal, deputy inspector general, Jalundur Range, on 25 April 1983 just as he was coming out of the Darbar Sahib after prayers. The AISSF started from June 1983 onwards to use Gurmat camps to propagate extremism and communal ideology and to impart training in arms.

  THE COMMUNAL DIMENSION

  A new dimension to the escalating violence in Punjab was now given with the deliberate move to kill members of the Hindu community. On 5 October 1983 a bus was hijacked near Dhilwan in Kapurthala district and six Hindu passengers were murdered after being segregated from other passengers. On 18 November 1983 another four Hindu passengers travelling in a bus in Amritsar district were similarly killed.

  The situation had acquired dimensions which had wider implications for the security and the unity and integrity of the country. Recognizing this the chief minister of Punjab resigned and the state was brought under president’s rule with effect from 6 October 1983. Several legislative and administrative measures were taken to curb terrorists.

  MISUSE OF THE AKAL TAKHT

  On 15 December 1983 Shri Bhindranwale moved from the Guru Nanak Niwas to the Akal Takht with his armed entourage. From this sanctuary he and his associates intensified incitements of violence and communal hatred. An important target of extremists were those Sikhs who opposed their

  anti-national activities. They were liquidated in a planned manner. A similar fate befell those within the Golden Temple complex who were judged to have defied the authority of the extremists. Several were tortured and subjected to painful death, their bodies then being thrown into open drains. Desecration of the Golden Temple complex extended to other, equally reprehensible, form.

  Unmindful of the surcharged atmosphere in the state the Akali Dal announced on 26 January 1984 a new agitation for burning Article 25 of the Constitution of India. A Punjab bandh was called on 8 February 1984, which was followed by a bandh on 14 February 1984 called by the Hindu Suraksha Samiti. Serious clashes and violence resulted in the death of 11 persons. Some Hindu fanatics committed the sacrilege of damaging the model of the Golden Temple and a picture of Guru Ram Dass at the Amritsar Railway Station.

  The extremists now felt bold enough to engage the security forces. The people lived in constant fear and were unwilling to give any information about the criminal activities of terrorists. Several tenants and house owners in the proximity of the Golden Temple were forcibly evicted from their dwellings.

  THE FEBRUARY 1984 NEGOTIATIONS

  The government made yet another effort to break the stalemate in Punjab. A tripartite meeting was convened on 14 February 1984. A new wave of violence in Punjab followed. There was violence in Haryana also. More innocent lives were lost including those of eight Sikhs in Panipat on 19 February 1984. The Akali Dal refused to continue the negotiations at the tripartite meeting which had adjourned on 15 February 1984 to meet again within a few days. The pattern of violence now clearly bore the impression of a well thought-out plan to plunge Punjab into anarchy. People were killed at random. Nine were shot dead on 21 February 1984, eleven on 23 February and fifteen on 24 February and again 3 on 24 February. Shri H.S. Manchanda, president of the Delhi Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee, was shot dead in Delhi on 28 March 1984 and Dr V.N. Tewari, MP, a professor at the Panjab University, on 3 April 1984 in Chandigarh.

  Antisocial and other criminal elements indulged in the looting of banks and business establishments. Over the period from 1 October 1983 to 31 May 1984, twenty-four banks were robbed. Large amounts of cash were looted and guards and other personnel killed.

  THE KILLINGS OF APRIL-
MAY 1984

  The violent incidents in April-May 1984 bring out clearly the real character and designs of the terrorists. The AISSF indulged in widespread acts of arson to prevent the holding of examinations. A college principal in Ferozepur was shot dead on 1 April 1984. Murders of prominent politicians, religious leaders and journalists followed. On 11 May 1984, a kar seva truck belonging to the Mehta Chowk gurdwara was apprehended and Sten guns, arms and ammunition recovered. Shri Bhindranwale sent out instructions that in the event of any government action, terrorists in the rural areas were to kill Hindus and central government employees and to move in large numbers to the temple. On some days as many as a dozen killings were reported. Although the Sikh masses broadly remained unaffected by these developments, it was obvious that a situation of insurgency in open defiance of constituted authority was building up.

  AKALI DAL’S CALL FOR A NEW AGITATION FROM 3 JUNE

  Even at this late hour the Akali Dal could have drawn back from the precipice of anarchy. But it chose to call for another agitation starting 3 June. The government started a fresh round of negotiations in May 1984 but unfortunately due to the hardening of the Akali Dal’s position no settlement could be reached. Even the last minute appeal by the prime minister in a nation-wide broadcast on 2 June 1984 was spurned.

  From 4 August 1982, when the Akali Morcha was started up to 3 June 1984, there were over 1200 violent incidents in which 410 persons were killed and more than 1180 injured. From 1 January 1984 to 3 June 1984, there were over 775 violent incidents in which 298 persons were killed and more than 525 injured.

  PARLIAMENT’S CONCERN

  Throughout this period the parliament continued to express its concern at the deteriorating situation in Punjab and affirmed the national resolve to meet the menace of terrorism, extremism and communalism.

  SEPARATISM BASED ABROAD

  Several secessionist Sikh organizations are operating abroad. The chief among them which have raised the slogan of ‘Khalistan’ or a ‘separate Sikh State’ are the National Council of Khalistan, Dal Khalsa, Babbar Khalsa and Akhand Kirtani Jatha. The National Council of Khalistan headed by Dr Jagjit Singh Chauhan is active in UK, West Germany, Canada and USA. The Dal Khalsa activities are mainly in UK and West Germany, while the Babbar Khalsa operat largely from Vancouver in Canada. The Akhand Kirtani Jatha has units in UK and Canada.

  Dr Jagjit Singh Chauhan, the self-styled leader of the so-called Khalistan movement has been trying to whip up anti-India feelings abroad. He has been organizing demonstrations, burning the Indian national flag and making provocative statements. On 26 January 1984 the secretary general of the National Council of Khalistan, Shri Balbir Singh Sandhu, hoisted what he described as the Khalistan flag on one of the buildings near Harmandir Sahib. Dr Chauhan has been lobbying with leaders in foreign countries, particularly in the United States of America. He has also established contacts with leaders of the Jammu & Kashmir Liberation Front in UK. He has resorted to gimmicks such as the issue of the Khalistan passport, postage stamps and currency notes.

  The Dal Khalsa advocates use of violence to achieve its objective of an independent sovereign Sikh state. It claimed responsibility for hijacking the Indian Airlines aircraft to Lahore on 29 September 1981. It also claimed responsibility for the killings of Lala Jagat Narain and Shri Atwal, deputy inspector general of police. The Dal Khalsa regards Pakistan as a strategic ally. It was declared unlawful on 1 May 1982.

  The Akhand Kirtani Jatha extends support to other Sikh political and extremist organizations, particularly the Babbar Khalsa. The Babbar Khalsa also looks to Pakistan for support. Its activists have been talking about plans to organize a Khalistan Liberation army.

  These organizations, though insignificant in themselves, have obviously been functioning as conduits for assistance from external sources. They have also played an important role in presenting a distorted picture on developments in India to the Sikhs settled abroad.

  IV

  ARMY ACTION IN PUNJAB AND THE UNION

  TERRITORY OF CHANDIGARH

  On 2 June 1984 the army was called in aid of civil authority in Punjab and was given the task of checking and controlling extremist, terrorist and communal violence.

  The army’s plan to re-establish law and order envisaged apprehension of terrorist elements, the flushing out of known terrorist hideouts, recovery of illegal arms and ammunition and restoration of public safety and confidence.

  To save the situation from irretrievable deterioration, there was utmost necessity for speed in the completion of army operations. Information was available about the accumulation of large quantities of arms of different kinds in different gurdwaras in the state and in the Golden Temple complex where strong fortifications had been built up. Troops were ordered to use the minimum force, to show the utmost reverence to all holy places and to ensure that no desecration or damage was done to the Harmandir Sahib and the Darbar Sahibs of other gurdwaras. Commanders were instructed to use the public address systems to advise terrorists to give themselves up in order to prevent bloodshed and damage to holy places.

  The dispositions of the terrorists in the Golden Temple area were organized on military lines. The Akal Takht had been chosen as a building of prime importance since it housed Shri Bhindranwale and his headquarters and was tactically significant to their operations. The approaches to the Akal Takht were heavily defended. The open space to its east had been developed as a ‘killing ground’ with effective fire being brought down on it from all sides.

  The Akal Takht had been fortified as well as any dugout position of any modern army. Starting from the basement upwards, gun placements had been planned out and sited at every level including the floor level, the window level, the roof ventilators, on to the first floor and the upper storeys. The terrorists had cut holes in the walls and the marble facade like a pillbox for the positioning of weapons.

  The terrorists had received extensive training in military operations and use of explosives and sophisticated weapons, installed their own communication systems and stored adequate quantities of foodgrains to last several months. They were as well trained and equipped as any regular force could be.

  During the afternoon and evening of 5 June 1984 repeated appeals were made to the terrorists to lay down their arms; 129 persons surrendered. At 1900 hours on 5 June, the army commenced preliminary operations to move towards the Golden Temple precincts. The terrorists unleashed deadly and concentrated volume of machine-gun fire from the Akal Takht and from Harmandir Sahib. The troops suffered heavy casualties but showed great restraint and refrained from directing any firing at Harmandir Sahib.

  At 0100 hrs. on 6 June, Sant Harchand Singh Longowal and Shri G.S. Tohra surrendered near Guru Nanak Niwas with about 350 people. The terrorists opened fire at them, killing 70 people including 30 women and 5 children.

  At about 0410 hrs. on 6 June, anti-tank rockets were fired from the Akal Takht, immobilizing an armoured personnel carrier (APC). Thereafter one tank with its searchlights was taken into the area to blind the terrorist positions in the Akal Takht and to engage these with fire. After the machine-gun positions of the Akal Takht had been silenced, room-to-room engagement commenced. The terrorists ran down towards the first and ground floors where shortly thereafter an explosion took place and a fire started. The Akal Takht was cleared by 1230 hrs. on 6 June, except for resistance from the ground floor and basements.

  On the afternoon of 6 June, 200 terrorists surrendered including 22 from Harmandir Sahib. The ground floor and the basement of the Akal Takht was tackled during the night of 6/7 June. A thorough search of the ground floor and of the basement revealed the bodies of Shri Bhindranwale and Shri Amrik Singh among 34 other bodies on the ground floor.

  The army took heavy casualties in order to ensure that the Harmandir Sahib and Akal Takht were not damaged. Fire on the Akal Takht had to be opened only when very high casualties began to accrue
and when the terrorists started using anti-tank weapons from this building.

  A large quantity of weapons, ammunition and explosives was recovered, including automatic and anti-tank weapons. A small factory for the manufacture of hand grenades and Sten guns was also found within the precincts of the Golden Temple.

  A total number of 42 religious places were identified where terrorists were based. The army moved into those premises in stages to flush them out. It encountered a fair amount of resistance in the gurdwaras at Moga and Muktsar. The terrorists also fired in Faridkot, Patiala, Ropar and Chowk Mehta. Major recovery of arms and ammunition was made from religious places at Chowk Mehta, Patiala and Ropar. The last of these operations was completed by 1700 hours on 6 June.

  The army is still engaged in the process of recovery of arms and of apprehending terrorists who have spread out all over

  the state.

  Details of civilian and army casualties and of arms and ammunition recovered up to June 30 1984 are given in Annexure XI of the White Paper.

  V

  SOME ISSUES

  By about the middle of 1983, antinational and terrorist groups had established complete control over the Golden Temple and converted it as the main base for their operations. The large quantities of weapons of offensive character and communication equipment and the arms factory discovered from the temple fully bear out their ultimate objective, namely, full-scale insurgency. Any delay on the part of the government in breaking these well-entrenched bastions of terrorists and secessionists would have been disastrous for the whole country. The events in Punjab have raised some vital issues:

  Is it right for places of worship which are revered by millions to be used as arsenals?

  Is it right to transform such places into sanctuaries for criminals and subversive elements?

  How do we prevent the secular foundations of our republic from being eroded?