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The Handbook of Conflict Resolution (3rd ed)

Page 158

by Peter T Coleman


  Addressing these questions directly, Coleman et al. (2013a) have begun to identify fundamental dimensions of the situation that influence a mediator’s strategy and the process and outcome of mediation. They suggest a situated model of mediation, which asserts that mediator success depends on the situation and the mediator’s capacity to adopt strategies appropriate to it. Predictions from this model need to be tested empirically.

  Fisher and Keashly (1990) have grappled with the third question, distinguishing four levels of escalation that require different approaches to third-party intervention:

  Discussion, in which the parties have a good relationship but are unable to solve a particular problem. Here, relationship building is unnecessary and traditional mediation is fully appropriate.

  Polarization, in which “trust and respect are threatened, and distorted perceptions and simplified stereotypes emerge” (pp. 236–237). Here relationship building is necessary before moving to traditional mediation.

  Segregation, in which the parties are competitive and hostile.

  Destruction, in which the main aim of the parties is to hurt or destroy each other.

  At these last two levels of escalation, relationship building is not feasible, and the mediator should try to contain the conflict by taking firm steps to stop hostile action. If such steps are successful, it may be possible to turn to relationships and substantive issues. Firm action of this kind requires some form of mediator power.

  Fisher and Keashly’s elegant model was developed in the context of international and ethnopolitical conflict, but it seems equally appropriate to conflict between individuals and between small groups. The model clearly needs empirical test, preferably in several different settings. Taking firm steps to stop hostile action (also advocated by Saposnek, 2005, for divorce mediation) is 180 degrees antithetical to the nondirective approach of transformative mediation, a discrepancy that needs to be sorted out empirically.

  The importance of taking a contingent approach is also argued by Dugan (2001), who suggests that the source of a conflict may lie at any of three levels: the issues under dispute, the relationship between the parties, and the broader social system. Conflicts are usually presented in terms of surface issue but on deeper probing are found to derive from flawed relationships or a problematic social system. An example of the latter would be a conflict between two brothers over an old piece of furniture that turns out to hinge on a cultural norm that the older son inherits his parents’ property—a norm that the older brother accepts and the younger one rejects (Pruitt and Kim, 2004). Dugan argues that systems conflicts cannot be solved by dealing with the presenting issues or trying to improve the parties’ relationship. Instead, the underlying structural problem must be addressed.

  In a study of the mediation methods used by the National Institutes of Health Office of the Obmudsman, Kressel and Gadlin (2009) found evidence of a search for underlying structures similar to that prescribed by Dugan. In a series of case studies, they found that the mediators began with a diagnostic phase in which they classified most of the controversies as deriving from one of three underlying difficulties: a dysfunctional communication pattern, a supervisor blocking the scientific autonomy of a rising new investigator, or weak program administration. In some cases, they were able to work on the underlying difficulty, while in others, the disputants insisted on a more superficial, issue-based approach. Similar diagnostic templates are sometimes used by family therapists, who classify cases as arising from such standard causes as parental blockage of adolescent efforts to break away or the husband retreats–wife pursues pattern. It is possible that professional mediators often develop a typology of underlying causes in the realm of their practice and use this typology to diagnose new cases. If so, our field needs more in-depth case studies like that done by Kressel and Gadlin and broader theoretical work once they have been done.

  Multiple Mediators

  Sometimes more than one mediator is involved with a dispute. For example, in formal comediation, two trained mediators are assigned to a case. Differences between these mediators often mirror differences between the disputants—for example, black and Hispanic mediators when one disputant is black and the other Hispanic. The pluses and minuses of comediation need theoretical analysis and empirical test.

  In emergent mediation, two or more mediators may form a communication chain between the disputants. For example, in Northern Ireland in the early 1990s, a chain went from Sinn Fein (the political wing of the Irish Republic Army) to the SDLP (a moderate Catholic political party) to the government of Northern Ireland and then to the government of Great Britain (Pruitt, 2007). It can be argued that such chains are useful for two reasons: (1) there is greater understanding and trust between parties adjacent in the chain than between the parties at either end, and (2) chain length makes it hard for hawks in each camp to detect and thwart peacemaking efforts. Research is needed to fully understand the functions of such chains, the conditions under which they form, the extent of their success, and how chain users cope with the inevitable distortions in messages that are transmitted through chains.

  Sometimes disputants communicate through two or more chains simultaneously. For example, during part of the time in which the chain in Northern Ireland was operating, Sinn Fein and the British government were also communicating through a mysterious individual known as the “contact” (Mallie and McKittrick, 1996). Scholarly opinion differs on whether such multiplicity contributes to (Pruitt, 2003) or detracts from (Crocker, Hampson, and Aall, 1999; Wanis-St. John, 2006) successful conflict resolution. This dispute needs to be sorted out empirically.

  CONCLUSION

  In this chapter, we have identified a number of questions that need to be answered, outlined some possible theoretical directions for answering these questions, suggested some testable hypotheses, and proposed some research methods. In doing so, we are under no illusion that we have made a significant dent in the research program that is needed for our field. That would be impractical in a chapter of this length and impossible for two scholars to achieve. Rather, we have explored the issues and ideas we know best. It is likely that other authors would come up with very different agendas. Our hope is that a few of you have found in this chapter an idea or two that will stimulate future research.

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