The Apocryphal Gospels_A Very Short Introduction

by Paul Foster

  An ‘unknown gospel’: Papyrus Egerton 2

  ‘Not since the discovery of the Sayings of Jesus at Oxyrhynchus has a Christian papyrus come to light which raises so many and such interesting problems as the present fragments.’ Thus opens the 1935 discussion of Papyrus Egerton 2 in the critical edition of these fragments published a year after they had been purchased from an antiquities dealer. That publication presented an edition of four fragments from three or four leaves of a codex – this can be determined because they are written on both sides of the papyrus leaves. Deciphering the fragments and determining their relative ordering is a problem not dissimilar to a jigsaw puzzle. The fourth fragment consists of a single letter – probably a sigma, but uncertain – and since this cannot be located in relation to the other fragments, it is of no help in determining the text. The third fragment is somewhat larger, 6.0 by 2.3 centimetres, but contains only a few words and hence is also too small to assist the overall reconstruction of the text. The remaining two fragments of single-column text are somewhat larger: Fragment 1: 11.5 by 9.2 centimetres, Fragment 2: 11.8 by 9.7 centimetres. These two fragments offer enough text to enable at least a partially coherent reconstruction. The story of the fragments of this text did not end with the 1935 critical edition.

  More than 50 years later, another fragment of the same manuscript was discovered in a collection of papyri housed in Cologne. This fragment, measuring 5.5 by 3.0 centimetres, was seen as belonging to the same leaf as Fragment 1. On both the front and back of this new fragment of the same leaf were preserved five partial lines of text. This new fragment assisted completing two lines that were already partially extant in Fragment 1, as well as providing parts of three further lines. This combination of fragments now means that strictly speaking the text should be referred to as Papyrus Egerton 2 þ Papyrus Cologne 255. Examination of the Cologne fragment has also resulted in an adjustment to the dating. In their 1935 edition, Bell and Skeat stated that it was ‘extremely improbable’ that Papyrus Egerton 2 ‘can be dated later than the middle of the second century’. Taking into account the physical features of the Cologne fragment, the dating of the manuscript has been revised, it now being generally accepted that the codex is to be dated around AD 200. This is based upon the presence of a diacritical sign (an apostrophe) of a type frequently attested in the 3rd century but not the 2nd.

  A fundamental problem with these two fragments (Fragment 1 þ P.Cologne 255, and Fragment 2) is their relative ordering – which one preceded the other, and the even more basic question of which side of each fragment should be read first. The conventional way of arranging these texts is Fragment 1 verso, Fragment 1 recto, Fragment 2 verso, Fragment 2 recto, which are here presented and discussed in that order.

  Fragment 1 verso

  […] And Jesus said to the lawyers: ‘Punish every wrongdoer and transgressor, and not me. […] he does, how does he do it?’

  And turning to the rulers of the people he said this word: ‘Search the scriptures, in which you think you have life. These are they, which testify about me. Do not suppose that I have come to accuse you to my father. There is one who accuses you: Moses, in whom you have hoped.’ And they said: ‘We know that God spoke to Moses, but as for you, we do not know, where you are from.’

  Jesus answered and said to them: ‘Now is accused your disbelief in those who have been commended by him. For had you believed Moses, you wouldhavebelievedme.Foraboutmehewrotetoyourfathers[…]’

  This brief incident portrays Jesus in polemical dialogue with two named groups of people – ‘the lawyers’ and ‘the rulers of the people’. Against the first group, Jesus appears to be responding to an accusation that he is a transgressor by affirming the right of the lawyers to punish wrong-doers, but refuting their charge that Jesus himself falls into that category. The second part of this fragment involves the confrontation with the rulers concerning whether or not the scriptures testify to Jesus, and whether Jesus or the rulers can claim the authority of Moses as an ally for their respective stances. The wording in this narrative is extremely close to passages from John’s Gospel at a number of points. In John 5.39, Jesus informs his opponents, ‘you search the scriptures, because you think that in them you have eternal life, and it is these that bear witness to me’. A few verses later in John’s account, Jesus tells his adversaries ‘do not think that I shall accuse you before the Father, the one who accuses you is Moses, in whom you have set your hope’ (John 5.45). There are also partial parallels with material from John 9.29. Yet, despite these striking agreements, here Papyrus Egerton 2 preserves a number of independent features in the story. It is impossible to tell whether the author recycled the story from the Gospel of John to mould his own version, or if he knew the sayings in a form that was earlier than John’s narrative, and consequently he preserves a more primitive version of the tradition. Nonetheless, in both versions the same key idea is communicated – the scriptures need to be read eschatologically in light of Jesus’ coming. He is the interpretative key to the meaning within scripture, and hence Moses can be seen as a witness who verifies the claims Jesus makes about himself.

  Fragment 1 recto

  […] and taking up stones together to stone him. And the rulers laid their hands upon him to seize him and hand him over to the crowd. And they could not take him because the hour of his arrest had not yet come. But the Lord himself, escaping from their hands, withdrew from them.

  And behold, a leper coming to him, says: ‘Teacher Jesus, while travelling with lepers and eating together with them in the inn, I myself also became a leper. If therefore you will, I am clean.’ And the Lord said to him: ‘I will, be clean.’

  And immediately the leprosy left him. And Jesus said to him: ‘Go show yourself to the priests and offer concerning the cleansing as Moses commanded and sin no more […]’

  This section of the text again preserves the remains of two stories. The first is the end of a scene where presumably the crowd are seeking to stone Jesus and the rulers are willing to be complicit in this action, by trying to seize Jesus and to hand him over to the mob. The reason for this desire to murder Jesus is not preserved in the surviving section of the narrative, but if the verso of this fragment provides any clue it could be due to the elevated claims Jesus is making about his status and his identity with the Father. This is also supported by the wider context of the parallel passage in John 7 and 8. In John 7.28–30, Jesus claims that he is the Father’s appointed envoy and that his origin is with the Father. In response, the rulers ‘were seeking to seize him, and no man laid his hand upon him because his hour had not yet come’. Similarly, in John 8.58–59, ‘the Jews’ pick up stones to stone Jesus. In that context the intended murderous plan stems from Jesus’ declaration that ‘before Abraham was, I am’ (John 8.58). The ‘I am’ claim is not just poor grammar, nor is it only a claim to existence prior to Abraham, but more provocatively it seems to be an attempt by Jesus to appropriate the divine name Yahweh, which may mean something like ‘I am’. Although Papyrus Egerton 2 does not preserve either of these contexts, the similar responses are suggestive that Jesus’ Christological sayings may form the preceding context of this fragment.

  The second story records the healing of a leper. It is reminiscent of the account in Mark 1.40–45; see also the parallels in Matt. 8.2–4 and Luke 5.12–14. In the versions of this story in Matthew and Luke, the leper addresses Jesus as ‘Lord’, here the title used is ‘teacher’. This may show that the version of the story preserved in Papyrus Egerton 2 originated in a section of the early Jesus movement where the title ‘Lord’ was problematic. The saying in Matt. 7.21 attests this kind of disquiet over addressing Jesus as ‘Lord’: ‘not everyone who saystome “Lord, Lord” will enter into the kingdom of heaven, but he who does the will of my Father who is in heaven’. While there are striking similarities between this version of the story and those contained in the canonical accounts, again the differences reveal a version of the story that sets its own agenda and prioriti
es. Interestingly, the story appears to introduce the novelistic detail that the leper contracted the disease while travelling with lepers and eating with them at an inn. The final instructions given by Jesus both preserve the canonical version, but also supplement it. In line with law-observance, the cleansing is to be recognized by a priest – hence the command to show oneself to the priest and make the required offering. However, the command to ‘sin no more’ is not part of the original story. Rather, it recollects a saying that occurs twice: in John’s Gospel (John 5.14); and also in the floating tradition of the women caught in adultery that attached itself to John’s Gospel (see John 8.11). Again elements from John’s Gospel are discernible.

  The verso of Fragment 2 is in poor shape. The manuscript is in bad repair and there are no obvious canonical parallels to assist the reconstruction of this text. For these reasons, few comments have been offered by those studying this section of the text.

  Fragment 2 recto

  Coming to him, they tested him in an exacting way, saying: ‘Teacher Jesus, we know that you have come from God, for what you do testifies beyond all the prophets. Therefore tell us, is it lawful to pay to kings the things which benefit their rule? Shall we pay them or not?’

  But Jesus, perceiving their purpose and becoming indignant said to them: ‘Why do you call me teacher with your mouth, not doing what I say? Well did Isaiah prophesy concerning you, saying: “This people honour me with their lips, but their heart is far from me. And in vain they worship me, teaching as their doctrines the precepts of men …”’

  Interestingly, this fragment also preserves a scene of confrontation between Jesus and unnamed opponents. The repeated occurrence of controversy stories and scenes of conflict between Jesus and opponents over claims of status and issues of law-observance may suggest something about the profile of this text. Although the amount of evidence is limited, and consequently suggestions about purpose and origins must be made with great caution and by acknowledging their tentative status, it may be the case that this text originated in Jewish–Christian circles with the aim of portraying Jesus as Torah-observant. Moreover, the text upholds Jesus’ claims about his own status on the basis of Mosaic witness and the testimony of scripture.

  Papyrus Egerton 2 is significant for two further reasons. First, it is a very early example of the Christian preference for writing texts in codex form rather than on scrolls. Second, it is one of the earliest examples of the practice of using nomina sacra. This is a form of abbreviating various words such as ‘Lord’, ‘Jesus’, ‘Christ’, and ‘God’ in Christian texts. This is usually done by contraction: that is, writing simply the first and last letters of these words with a horizontal (or supralinear) stroke above the letters. A debate continues among scholars as to whether the practice reflected Jewish scribal habits in treating the divine name as sacred, as in making sure that one avoided pronouncing the name ‘Yahweh’, or if it was simply a technique for abbreviating words with a high rate of repetition. It is noteworthy that besides the usual words abbreviated this way, Papyrus Egerton 2 also uses the technique to abbreviate ‘Father’, ‘Moses’, ‘Isaiah’, and ‘Prophets’. While this text does not resolve the larger debate, it does seem to reflect an early phase of the practice prior to the convention becoming standardized, and hence it shows greater freedom in its abbreviation forms.

  Papyrus Egerton 2 is an early Christian manuscript most likely written around AD 200. It may transmit a text that was written several decades earlier, but the difficulties in arriving at a plausible date of composition must be acknowledged. While many have noted the number of independent elements in its fragmentary text, the number of sayings with parallels contained in the Gospel of John suggests that the author knew and recycled material from that source. Again, close analysis suggests that this non-canonical gospel does not offer Jesus traditions that are earlier than the canonical gospels. Instead, it attests to a common and oft-repeated tendency among the non-canonical gospels – that of taking up material from the canonical gospels and freely and creatively reworking those stories and sayings.

  The Jewish–Christian gospels

  No manuscript is preserved from this group of gospel texts. Their titles are known only through mention in the work of various other early Christian writers. Occasionally these writers also quote a snippet of a tradition from these documents. Through these scant remains one is left with at best a partial impression of the wording of these texts and some of the theological concerns they may have embodied.

  The very term ‘Jewish-Christian’ requires some explanation. The origin of the early Jesus movement was embedded in the matrix of Judaism. Jesus commenced his public ministry in Galilee, was crucified in Jerusalem, and it was in that same city that many of his relatives and early disciples continued the movement in his name. These people were Jews, they observed the Jewish law, they maintained the kosher dietary codes, refrained from work on the Sabbath, and were cautious about contact with Gentiles. Yet they differed from many of their fellow Jews in their belief that Jesus of Nazareth, the one put to death with the shameful execution of crucifixion, was paradoxically God’s chosen Messiah.

  This messianic faction within Judaism was radically transformed by a number of early missionaries who preached this message outside the frontiers of Judea, initially to diaspora Jews in local synagogues. Their preaching not only attracted Jewish converts, but proved surprisingly popular among Gentiles. A dilemma faced the early movement, namely whether Gentile converts were required to observe the Jewish law, or whether there could be a ‘law-free’ version of Christianity for Gentiles. In essence, ‘law-free’ Christianity for most Gentile believers did not mean cutting all links with Jewish traditions and scriptures. Rather, what was at stake was the necessity of maintaining some of the more obvious boundary-marking practices of Judaism. The three major issues were circumcision, Sabbath observance, and maintenance of dietary laws. Different answers were formulated in various sectors of the movement in regard to the necessity for Gentile converts to uphold these traditional marks of Judaism. The rulings of the Jerusalem Church under the leadership of James, Jesus’ brother, were particularly influential. This group was more conservative in its understanding of the need to maintain some form of adherence to the law on the part of Gentiles than the more liberal-minded Paul, who portrayed himself as apostle to the Gentiles. However, the martyrdom of James coupled with the destruction of Jerusalem in AD 70 meant this powerful group in the early Jesus movement was widely scattered in the aftermath of the Jewish War with Rome, had lost its cohesion, and was being swamped by the increasing numbers of Gentile converts. The most influential authority group in the earliest phase of the Jesus movement had lost most of its power-base and had become pushed to the margins – yet it had not totally vanished, nor was it totally silenced.

  The literary remains of this movement are scant and, as has been described, what remains are merely floating sayings or brief narratives embedded in the works of other authors. Since many of those authors refer to the ‘Jewish–Christian’ gospels in a variety of ways, there is debate between scholars as to how many such texts existed. From the surviving fragments, scholars have argued for either two or three gospel texts. These are usually referred to under the following titles: the Gospel according to the Hebrews, the Gospel of the Nazoraeans, and the Gospel of the Ebionites. The last two titles are modern constructs used to designate material that ancient sources attribute to the Nazoraean or Ebionite groups respectively, but without giving the literary title from which the material was taken. By contrast, the ancient sources directly name a Gospel according to the Hebrews. The majority position is that there were three discrete documents; however, others argue that the material that some have classified as belonging to Nazoraeans was actually part of Hebrews, and hence see only two Jewish-Christian gospels.

  The earliest direct evidence for the existence of a Jewish–Christian gospel comes from three Christian writers who lived in the second largest city in the
Roman Empire, Alexandria in Egypt: Clement of Alexandria, Origen, and Didymus the Blind. These figures spanned different periods from the late 2nd century to the beginning of the 4th century. Their combined references to the Gospel according to the Hebrews suggest that this Jewish–Christian gospel enjoyed a certain longevity in Alexandria, perhaps due to the presence of a large and diverse Jewish population. By contrast, most of the material identified as belonging to the Gospel of the Nazoraeans comes from a single source – Jerome’s Commentary on Matthew. Jerome presents anumber of traditions in his Commentary which he claims to have translated from a Hebrew or Aramaic source into Greek.

  The Gospel called according to the Hebrews which was recently translated by me into Greek and Latin, which Origin frequently uses, records the resurrection of the Saviour.

  And when the Lord had given the linen cloth to the servant of the priest, he went to James and appeared to him. For James had sworn that he would not eat bread from the hour in which he had drunk the cup of the Lord until he should see him risen from among them that sleep. And shortly thereafter the Lord said: Bring a table and bread! And immediately it is added: he took the bread, blessed it and brake it and gave it to James the Just and said to him: My brother, eat your bread, for the Son of Man is risen from among them that sleep.