White Space, Black Hood

by Sheryll Cashin

  6. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro, 37.

  7. Du Bois, The Philadelphia Negro, 37.; W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (1903) (New York: Modern Library, 1996).

  8. See generally, Stewart E. Tolnay and E. M. Beck, A Festival of Violence: An Analysis of Southern Lynchings, 1882–1930 (Urbana: Board of Trustees of the University of Illinois, 1995); see also The Rape of Recy Taylor, dir. Nancy Buirski (New York: Transform Films, 2018), a documentary of six white boys who gang-raped a Black mother.

  9. Mitchell Duneier, Ghetto: The Invention of a Place, the History of an Idea (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2016), xii.

  10. C. Van Woodward, The Strange Career of Jim Crow (New York: Oxford University Press, 1955), noting that segregationist attitudes in the South hardened after the 1890s.

  11. John E. Vacha, “The Best Barber in America,” Time, January/February 2000.

  12. Vacha, “The Best Barber in America.”

  13. Kenneth L. Kusmer, A Ghetto Takes Shape: Black Cleveland, 1870–1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1976), 42–46.

  14. Kusmer, A Ghetto Takes Shape, 171.

  15. Kusmer, 47–48.

  16. Vacha, “The Best Barber in America.”

  17. Langston Hughes, The Big Sea: An Autobiography (1940) (New York: Hill and Wang, 1993), 27.

  18. Kusmer, A Ghetto Takes Shape, 167.

  19. Kusmer, 167–69.

  20. DeNeen L. Brown, “‘They Was Killing Black People’: A Century-Old Race Massacre Still Haunts Tulsa,” Washington Post, September 28, 2018, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/local/wp/2018/09/28/feature/they-was-killing-black-people.

  21. Tim Madigan, The Burning: Massacre, Destruction, and the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2001), 215–16.

  22. Abby Zimet, “The More Things Change: Tulsa’s Race Massacre That History Books Turned into a Race ‘Riot,’” Common Dreams, June 8, 2008, https://www.commondreams.org/further/2018/06/08/more-things-change-tulsas-race-massacre-history-books-turned-race-riot.

  23. Victor Luckerson, “Black Wall Street: The African American Haven That Burned and Then Rose from the Ashes,” National Affairs, June 28, 2018, https://www.theringer.com/2018/6/28/17511818/black-wall-street-oklahoma-greenwood-destruction-tulsa.

  24. Special to the Times, “Tulsa in Remorse to Rebuild Homes; Dead Now Put at 30,” New York Times, June 3, 2021, A1.

  25. Richard Rothstein, The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America (New York: Liveright Publishing, 2017), 43.

  26. Melvyn Stokes, D. W. Griffith’s The Birth of a Nation: A History of “The Most Controversial Picture of All Time” (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 111; John Hope Franklin, “Birth of a Nation: Propaganda as History,” Massachusetts Review 20, no. 3 (1979): 417–34; John Milton Cooper, Woodrow Wilson (New York: Alfred Knopf, 2011), 204–6; Kusmer, A Ghetto Takes Shape, 174; Vacha, “The Best Barber in America.”

  27. Kusmer, A Ghetto Takes Shape, 176; Aubrey Solomon, The Fox Film Corporation: 1915–1935 (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 2011), 15, 228.

  28. Cameron McWhirter, Red Summer: The Summer of 1919 and the Awakening of Black America (New York: Macmillan, 2011).

  29. Vacha, “The Best Barber in America.”

  30. Vacha, “The Best Barber in America.”

  31. Kusmer, A Ghetto Takes Shape, 48–51, 171–72.

  32. Cashin, Loving, 8–9.

  33. See St. Clair Drake, Churches and Voluntary Associations Among Negroes in Chicago (Chicago: WPA, 1940); St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Black Metropolis; A Study of Negro Life in a Northern City (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), Kindle; Kenneth B. Clark, The Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power (Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1989); Kenneth Clark and Jeannette Hopkins, A Relevant War Against Poverty: A Study of Community Action Programs and Observable Social Change (New York: Harper Collins, 1969); William Julius Wilson, Power, Racism, and Privilege (London: Macmillan, 1973); William Julius Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); William Julius Wilson and Richard Taub, There Goes the Neighborhood: Racial, Ethnic, and Class Tensions in Four Chicago Neighborhoods and Their Meaning in America (New York: Vintage Books, 2006); Elijah Anderson, Streetwise: Race, Class, and Change in an Urban Community (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990); Elijah Anderson, Code of the Street: Decency, Violence, and the Moral Life of the Inner City (New York: W. W. Norton, 2000).

  34. Drake and Cayton, Black Metropolis, 4230–32, 4244–45.

  35. Drake and Cayton, Black Metropolis, 4420, 4424, 4427.

  36. Drake and Cayton, Black Metropolis, 4228.

  37. Drake and Cayton, Black Metropolis, 268.

  38. Drake and Cayton, Black Metropolis, 383.

  39. Duneier, Ghetto, 59–60 (quoting and citing Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (New York: Harper & Row, 1962).

  40. Duneier, Ghetto, 67 (quoting and citing Drake and Cayton, Black Metropolis).

  41. See, for example, Rothstein, The Color of Law; Sheryll Cashin, The Failures of Integration: How Race and Class Are Undermining the American Dream (New York: PublicAffairs, 2004); Douglas S. Massey and Nancy A. Denton, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993); Kenneth T. Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985).

  42. Cashin, The Failures of Integration; Aaronson et al., “The Effects of HOLC’s ‘Redlining’ Maps.”

  43. Rothstein, The Color of Law; Cashin, The Failures of Integration.

  44. Ta-Nehisi Coates, “The Case for Reparations,” Atlantic, June 2014, https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2014/06/the-case-for-reparations/361631.

  45. Arnold R. Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto: Race and Housing in Chicago, 1940–1960 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 41–42, 80, quoting Drake and Cayton.

  46. Hirsch, Making the Second Ghetto, xiii, xiv, 14–15.

  47. Cashin, The Failures of Integration; Rothstein, The Color of Law.

  48. All of these assertions about Pruitt-Igoe are depicted in the documentary The Pruitt-Igoe Myth, 2011. “The Pruitt-Igoe Myth,” YouTube video, posted by “Chandra Ward Stefanik,” September 27, 2015, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xKgZM8y3hso.

  49. Massey and Denton, American Apartheid; Douglas S. Massey and Jonathan Tannen, “A Research Note on Trends in Black Hypersegregation,” Demography 52 (2015): 1028–29.

  50. Massey and Denton, American Apartheid, 77.

  51. Cashin, The Agitator’s Daughter, 127–53, 155–60.

  52. “Poverty Rate by Race/Ethnicity 2017,” Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, https://www.kff.org/other/state-indicator/poverty-rate-by-raceethnicity.

  53. Sheryll Cashin, “Reparations for Slavery Aren’t Enough. Official Racism Lasted Much Longer,” Washington Post, June 21, 2019, https://www.washingtonpost.com/outlook/reparations-for-slavery-arent-enough-official-racism-lasted-much-longer/2019/06/21/2c0ecbe8–9397–11e9-aadb-74e6b2b46f6a_story.html.

  54. See Mary E. Pattillo, Black Picket Fences: Privilege and Peril Among the Black Middle Class (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).

  CHAPTER 3: SEGREGATION NOW

  1. Richard Rothstein, “Why Los Angeles Is Still a Segregated City After All These Years,” Los Angeles Times, August 20, 2017, http://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-rothstein-segregated-housing-20170820-story.html.

  2. National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, The Kerner Report, ed. Sean Wilentz (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2016), Kindle ed., 119, 216, 225, 234, 1042, 1046.

  3. National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, The Kerner Report, 148, 151, 525, 952, 1122.

  4. National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, The Kerner Report, 2.

  5. Leonard S. Rubinowitz and Imani Perry, “Crimes Without Pu
nishment: White Neighbors’ Resistance to Black Entry,” Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology 92, nos. 1/2 (Autumn 2001–Winter 2002): 353, https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/jclc/vol92/iss2/3.

  6. Frank James, “Martin Luther King Jr. in Chicago,” Chicago Tribune, January 3, 2008, http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/politics/chi-chicagodays-martinlutherking-story-story.html.

  7. “Chicago Campaign,” Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute at Stanford University, https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/encyclopedia/chicago-campaign, accessed September 30, 2019 (“King believed that turning . . . attention to the North made sense: ‘In the South, we always had segregationists to help make issues clear. . . . Indeed, after riots in Watts, Los Angeles, in August 1965, it seemed crucial to demonstrate how nonviolent methods could address the complex economic exploitation of African Americans in the North.”); Abdallah Fayyad, “The Unfulfilled Promise of Fair Housing,” Atlantic, March 31, 2018, https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2018/03/the-unfulfilled-promise-of-fair-housing/557009/, King viewing slums as “a system of internal colonialism not unlike the exploitation of the Congo by Belgium.”

  8. National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders et al., The Kerner Report, 1094.

  9. Clark, Dark Ghetto, 4, quoting “Man, age about 33.”

  10. Ibram X. Kendi, Stamped from the Beginning: The Definitive History of Racist Ideas in America (New York: Hachette Book Groups, 2017), 405.

  11. Elizabeth Hinton, From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime: The Making of Mass Incarceration in America (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2016).

  12. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (Washington, DC: Kerner Commission, 1968), 580.

  13. Fair Housing Act, 42 U.S.C. § 3608(d) (1968); Otero v. New York City Hous. Auth., 484 F.2d 1122, 1140 (2d Cir. 1973).

  14. Nikole Hannah-Jones, “Living Apart: How the Government Betrayed a Landmark Civil Rights Law,” ProPublica, June 25, 2015, https://www.propublica.org/article/living-apart-how-the-government-betrayed-a-landmark-civil-rights-law.

  15. Hannah-Jones, “Living Apart.”

  16. Douglas S. Massey, “The Legacy of the 1968 Fair Housing Act,” Sociological Forum 30, no. S1 (2015): 571, 577, doi:10.1111/socf.12178.

  17. Hannah-Jones, “Living Apart.”

  18. Molly Moorhead, “Mitt Romney Says 47 Percent of Americans Pay No Income Tax,” PolitiFact, September 18, 2012, https://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/statements/2012/sep/18/mitt-romney/romney-says-47-percent-americans-pay-no-income-tax.

  19. Mitt Romney (@MittRomney), “Black Lives Matter” Twitter, June 7, 2020, 6:30 p.m. https://twitter.com/MittRomney/status/1269758561720156160.

  20. Hannah-Jones, “Living Apart”; “Ben Carson vs. the Fair Housing Act,” editorial, New York Times, May 13, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2018/05/13/opinion/ben-carson-hud-fair-housing-act.html; Fred McGhee, “The Most Important Housing Law Passed in 1968 Wasn’t the Fair Housing Act,” Shelterforce, September 5, 2018, https://shelterforce.org/2018/09/05/the-most-important-housing-law-passed-in-1968-wasnt-the-fair-housing-act.

  21. McGhee, “The Most Important Housing Law Passed in 1968”; Corianne Payton Scally, Amanda Gold, and Nicole DuBois, The Low-Income Housing Tax Credit: How It Works and Who It Serves (Urban Institute, July 2018), vi, https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/publication/98758/lithc_how_it_works_and_who_it_serves_final_2.pdf; Ingrid G. Ellen, Keren M. Horn, and Katherine M. O’Regan, “Poverty Concentration and the Low Income Housing Tax Credit: Effects of Siting and Tenant Composition,” Journal of Housing Economics 34 (2016): 50, http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhe.2016.08.001.

  22. Kirk McClure, Alex F. Schwartz, and Lydia B. Taghavi, “Housing Choice Voucher Location Patterns a Decade Later,” Housing Policy Debate 215 (2015): 228, Table 6, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10511482.2014.921223.

  23. Thompson v. US Dept. of Housing & Urban Dev., 348 F. Supp. 2d 398, 408 (D. Md. 2005).

  24. Fifty Years of “The People v. HUD”: A HUD 50th Anniversary Timeline of Significant Civil Rights Lawsuits And HUD Fair Housing Advances (Washington, DC: Poverty & Race Research Action Council, 2018). See also Florence Wagman Roisman, “Long Overdue: Desegregation Litigation and Next Steps to End Discrimination and Segregation in the Public Housing and Section 8 Existing Housing Programs,” Cityscape 4, no. 3 (1999).

  25. Alex Polikoff, Waiting for Gautreaux: A Story of Segregation, Housing, and the Black Ghetto (Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2006), 52, 65; “The Gautreaux Lawsuit,” Business and Professional People for the Public Interest, https://www.bpichicago.org/programs/housing-community-development/public-housing/gautreaux-lawsuit, accessed October 8, 2018; Barack Obama, Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance (New York: Three Rivers Press, 2004), 164–86.

  26. See James Rosenbaum et al., “The Urban Crisis; The Kerner Commission Report Revisited: Can the Kerner Commission’s Housing Strategy Improve Employment, Education, and Social Integration for Low-Income Blacks?,” University of North Carolina Law Review 71 (1993): 1530–31.

  27. Polikoff, Waiting for Gautreaux.

  28. Polikoff, Waiting for Gautreaux. See Fifty Years of “The People v. HUD.”

  29. Rachel Kaufman, “Housing Advocates Sue HUD over Fair Housing Rule Suspension,” Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, May 9, 2018, https://lawyerscommittee.org/housing-advocates-sue-hud-over-fair-housing-rule-suspension. The Trump administration in 2017 suspended a key Obama policy that would help low-income people move: the Small Area Fair Market Rents program would have increased the amount of money the government would pay for voucher holders to rent homes in high-opportunity areas. See Alana Semuels, “Trump Administration Puts on Hold an Obama-Era Desegregation Effort,” Atlantic, August 30, 2017, https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2017/08/trump-hud/538386. The Trump administration has also intended to roll back regulations that bar discrimination on the basis of “disparate impact,” especially regulations that prevent discrimination in housing. See Adam Serwer, “Trump Is Making It Easier to Get Away with Discrimination,” Atlantic, January 4, 2019, https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2019/01/disparate-impact/579466. See also Emma Brown, “Trump’s Education Department Nixes Obama-era Grant Program for School Diversity,” Washington Post, March 29, 2017, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/education/wp/2017/03/29/trumps-education-department-nixes-obama-era-grant-program-for-school-diversity.

  30. Donald Trump (@realDonaldTrump), Twitter, July 29, 2020, 12:19 p.m., https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1288509568578777088.

  31. Matthew Yglesias, “Trump’s Tweets About Saving the ‘Suburban Lifestyle Dream,’ Explained,” Vox, August 3, 2020, https://www.vox.com/2020/8/3/21347565/suburban-lifestyle-dream-trump-tweets-fair-housing.

  32. Jonathan Mahler and Steve Eder, “‘No Vacancies’ for Blacks: How Donald Trump Got His Start, and Was First Accused of Bias,” New York Times, August 27, 2016, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/28/us/politics/donald-trump-housing-race.html.

  33. Liam Dillon and Taryn Luna, “California Bill to Dramatically Increase Home Building Fails for the Third Year in a Row,” Los Angeles Times, January 30, 2020, https://www.latimes.com/california/story/2020–01–29/high-profile-california-housing-bill-to-allow-mid-rise-apartments-near-transit-falls-short.

  34. Maria Krysan and Kyle Crowder, Cycle of Segregation: Social Processes and Residual Stratification (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2017), 78.

  35. Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged.

  36. Douglas S. Massey and Jacob S. Rugh, “Segregation in Post-Civil Rights America: Stalled Integration or End of the Segregated Century?,” Du Bois Review 11, no. 2 (2014): 211, doi:10.1017/S1742058X13000180; Spader et al., “Fostering Inclusion in American Neighborhoods.”

  37. Douglas S. Massey, “Still the Linchpin: Segregation and Stratification in the USA,” Race and Social Problems 12:1–12 (2020), 2, https://doi.org/10.1007/s12552-019-09280-1.

>   38. Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz, An Indigenous Peoples’ History of the United States (Boston: Beacon Press, 2014); Johnson v. M’Intosh, 21 U.S. 543, 543 L. Ed. 681 (1823). US law has not rejected the law of discovery and its racist underlying assumption that Christian Europeans “discovered” land that was already occupied or that Congress has a plenary right to abrogate treaty obligations to the Indigenous nations. See Juan Perea et al., eds., Race and Races: Cases and Resources for a Diverse America (St. Paul, MN: West Academic Publishing, 2007), 184–85.

  39. For example, Canada, like the United States, derives its jurisprudence from British common law. Through its constitution and Supreme Court, Canada has created significant legal protections for Indigenous peoples that cannot be overturned by its legislature or popular will. In the Constitution Act of 1982, Canada explicitly recognized treaty and other rights to land and land use held by its first people that cannot be abrogated by politics. See Perea et al., Race and Races, 262–63. An Australian high court also decided in 1992 to reconsider fundamental assumptions for colonial dominion and restore certain rights to native people. See Mabo v. Queensland, 107 ALR 1, 1992 WL 1290806 (1992).

  40. Richard H. Sander, Yana A. Kucheva, and Jonathan M. Zasloff, Moving Toward Integration: The Past and Future of Fair Housing (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2018), 10; Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton, “Hypersegregation in U.S. Metropolitan Areas: Black and Hispanic Segregation Along Five Dimensions,” Demography 26, no. 3 (1989): 373–91; Patrick Sharkey, “Spatial Segmentation and the Black Middle Class,” American Journal of Sociology 119, no. 4 (January 2014): 921, doi:10.1086/674561.

  41. Douglas S. Massey et al., “Black Immigrants and Black Natives Attending Selective Colleges and Universities in the United States,” American Journal of Education 113, no. 2 (2007): 246.

  42. “Why Are the Twin Cities So Segregated,” Institute on Metropolitan Opportunity at University of Minnesota Law School, February 2015, https://www.minnpost.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/default/files/attachments/WhyAretheTwinCitiesSoSegregated22615.pdf, showing how the poverty housing industry and the poverty education complex, two growing industry pressure groups within the Twin Cities political scene have worked with local, regional, and state government to preserve the segregated status quo, and in the process have undermined school integration. See also Spader et al., “Fostering Inclusion in American Neighborhoods,” and chapter 5 of this book.