Crossing the Wire

by AnnaMaria Cardinalli

  Even where the halekon tradition is not “celebrated” per se, it appears to underlie a number of Pashtun social structures, most notably the recruitment of very young “soldiers” by commanders of paramilitary groups. (This is so much true that even today, current law prohibits “beardless boys” living in Afghan military and police stations.[35]) This in turn fits under the traditional warrior ethos which defines the role of men within Pashtun culture. This dynamic played a major role in the functioning of the warlord culture that preceded the rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan.

  By some accounts, the first incident that brought Mullah Omar and the Taliban to prominence in the eyes of the Pashtun people actually involved a dispute between two warlords over a particularly attractive halekon. This dispute took the pedophilia of the warlords to such an extreme that the locals themselves were repulsed and happy to embrace a force of reform. Tim Reid, in The Times of London writes:

  In the summer of 1994, a few months before the Taliban took control of the city, two commanders confronted each other over a young boy whom they both wanted to sodomize. In the ensuing fight civilians were killed. Omar’s group freed the boy and appeals began flooding in for Omar to help in other disputes. By November, Omar and his Taliban were Kandahar’s new rulers. Despite the Taliban’s disdain for women, and the bizarre penchant of many for eyeliner, Omar immediately suppressed homosexuality.[36]

  Perhaps “repressed” homosexuality would be a more apt statement, as the cultural tendency has not disappeared. However, open displays of homosexuality, in which the label of homosexuality could not be denied, became publicly punishable by crude executions under the Taliban. Now, in the absence of this possibility, the underlying cultural traditions appear to be returning to visible life with greater freedom.

  Now that Taliban rule is over in Mullah Omar’s former southern stronghold, it is not only televisions, kites and razors which have begun to emerge. Visible again, too, are men with their ‘ashna’, or beloveds: young boys they have groomed for sex. Kandahar’s Pashtuns have been notorious for their homosexuality for centuries, particularly their fondness for naive young boys. Before the Taliban arrived in 1994, the streets were filled with teenagers and their sugar daddies, flaunting their relationship. It is called the homosexual capital of south Asia. Such is the Pashtun obsession with sodomy—locals tell you that birds fly over the city using only one wing, the other covering their posterior—that the rape of young boys by warlords was one of the key factors in Mullah Omar mobilizing the Taliban.[37]

  However, the Taliban should not be viewed as free of the culture and tradition of homosexuality of the Pashtun world of which it is a part. Writers have argued that even within the Taliban, the tradition of halekon and the isolation of boys from the influence of family while they are assumed into the identity of a fighting group in which they are also sexually objectified and abused, is precisely what occurred with prevalence behind the walls of the madrasas. The now-iconic Los Angeles Times article on the issue states:

  …many accuse the Taliban of hypocrisy on the issue of homosexuality. ‘The Taliban had halekon, but they kept it secret,” says one anti-Taliban commander, who is rumored to keep two halekon. ‘They hid their halekon in their madrasas,’ or religious schools.[38]

  Whatever the source, there is frequently the risk that Pashtun boys will face a set of experiences that mold their beliefs regarding sexuality as adults in ways that are ultimately damaging, both to themselves and to Afghan society. It appears that this set of experiences becomes cyclical, affecting generations, and that the cycle has existed long enough to affect the underpinnings of Afghan culture itself.

  From these findings, a model of this cycle might be ventured. It seems the cycle begins in isolation from the experience of women’s companionship and the replacement of such companionship with men. Significantly, in the case of Taliban madrasas, many boys spend their formative years without even the influence of motherhood in their lives.[39] Women are foreign, and categorized by religious teachers as, at best, unclean or undesirable.[40] It is then probable that the male companionship that a boy has known takes a sinister turn, in the form of the expression of pedophilia from the men that surround him. Such abuse would most likely result in a sense of outrage or anger, but anger that can not possibly be directed at the only source of companionship and emotional support a boy knows, and on which he remains dependent. This anger may very well be then directed at the foreign object—women—resulting in the misogyny typical of Pashtun Islamism. Men and boys therefore remain the object of affection and security for these boys as they grow into men themselves, and the cycle is repeated.

  The fallout from this cycle affects both genders, and could possibly be a part of what leads to violence against women and women’s suppression in Pashtun culture. If women are no longer the source of companionship or sexual desire, they become increasingly and threateningly foreign. Two initial findings add to the cycle of male isolation from women. One, put forward by the Provincial Reconstruction Team in Farah Province,[41] who conducted regular round-table discussions with local women, is that boys, even when raised in the home, are separated from their mothers’ care around the age of 7 and are considered the charge of their fathers.

  Another, more complex phenomena, highlighted in the Los Angeles Times article as well as the Reuters article[42] and others, is that men who take on a halekon often attempt to integrate the boy into their families by marrying him to a daughter when the boy is no longer young enough to play the “beardless” role. This maintains the love relationship between the father and son-in-law which inevitably makes difficult the establishment of a normal relationship with the wife. The once-halekon becomes a father with his new wife, and then begins to seek a teenage boy with whom he can play the “bearded” role. The children born to this father inevitably register the nature of their mother’s marginalized role. When to this is added the further isolation that occurs when boys are groomed for the halekon role by fighting groups or madrasas, it becomes almost unimaginable that boys would learn to form a normal and familiar attachment to a woman.[43]

  Talibs and halekon of fighters and other powerful men, when kept from the one universally nurturing experience of women—their mothers—are left with no way to relate to females whatsoever, and therefore no way to counter the negative labels assigned to women. While these men are excessively mild toward each other, the opposite side to the coin is a tendency to aggression toward women. HTT can again cite anecdotal but personal field experience which typified the way in which the behavior patterns of men, gentle toward one another, can turn quite opposite toward women, and the way these behaviors are imitated and transmitted to the next generation of men. The following took place on patrol in the Maywand district of Kandahar province:

  Upon exiting the Mullah’s compound, I was confronted with an irate neighbor—a man in middle-age, clean and apparently relatively wealthy in appearance… He expressed his horror that I, a woman, was present with the patrol. He would not make eye contact with me or shake my hand, but instead only referred to me with angry gestures. I maintained a respectful distance while he sat nearby to engage the men of the patrol.

  When formally addressing the men, his demeanor changed. He shook hands with each, with every display of gentleness and respect. The traditional first handshake between Pashtun men grips only the first joints of the fingers, and he used this with each, along with much bowing. It was explained to him that I was present in order that men would not enter a compound where women might be seen, and he was significantly appeased…

  After this conversation, as the group said their goodbyes and began to move away, the neighbor approached me and extended his hand. I took this to be an invitation to a handshake, offered now that he understood that I was there out of respect for the traditions of his culture rather than in an attempt to disrupt them. When I offered my hand, he took it in a crushing grip and with unexpected strength bent my wrist back into a painful joint
lock.

  I ultimately wrenched myself from his grip, and as I sought to rejoin my patrol, I was mobbed by the village boys, who I had previously showered with gifts of candy and school necessities, led by the neighbor’s oldest son. This boy appeared to be approximately 11 years old. Grabbing my arm, he attempted to practice the same maneuver his father had demonstrated, to the delight and cheers of the younger boys.

  The noise of the children caught the attention of our American interpreter, who returned and scolded them for their behavior. He attempted to shame them by asking “is this the way you would behave at home?” The oldest boy proudly answered that it was, indicating that his mother and sisters were treated with the same violence and disdain. While the encounter with the father hurt my wrist, the encounter with his sons broke my heart.[44]

  In conclusion, due to both cultural restrictions and generational cycles of certain experiences, Pashtun men are freer with companionship, affection, emotional expression, and the trust bred of familiarity with other men. They often lack the experience of these aspects of life with women. This usurping of the female role may contribute to the alienation of women over generations, and their eventual relegation to extreme segregation and abuse. If ever the cycle of abuse is to be broken and the Pashtun culture heal itself from its wounds, which continue to fester in patterns of violence and conflict, the role of women as mothers and companions may be key.

  For Further Reading

  http://www.reuters.com/article/newsOne/idUSISL1848920071119?pageNumber=2&virtualBrandChannel=0

  Anonymous. “Afghan Boy Dancers Sexually Abused by Former Warlords.” Reuters News Service 18 Nov 2007. http://www.reuters.com/article/newsOne/idUSISL1848920071119?pageNumber=2&virtualBrandChannel=0

  Ammon, Dr. Richard. “Interview with Michael Luongo on his Return from ‘Gay Afghanistan.’” Gay Afghanistan, After the Taliban: Homosexuality as Tradition. Updated 2004. 29 July 2009. www.globalgayz.com

  Baer, Brian James. “Kandahar: Closely watched Pashtuns—A Critique of Western Journalists’ Reporting Bias About ‘Gay Kandahar.’” Gay and Lesbian Review March-April 2003.

  Chibbaro, Lou. “New Afghan Rulers Better for Gays?” The Washington Blade 21 December 2001.

  Foster, Peter. “Afghan Tribesman Faces Death for Wedding to Teenage Boy.” Sydney Morning Herald 07 October 2007.

  Luongo, Michael T. Gay Travels in the Muslim World. Binghamton, NY: Harrington Park Press, 13 June 2007.

  Meo, Nick. “The Boy Singers of Kabul.” Moby Capital Updates 12 April 2005.

  Murray, Steven O. and Will Roscoe. Islamic Homosexualities: Culture History and Literature. New York, NY: NYU Press, 01 February 1997.

  Reid, Tim. “Kandahar Comes out of the Closet.” The Times of London 12 January 2002.

  Reynolds, Maura. “Kandahar’s Lightly Veiled Homosexual Habits.” The Los Angeles Times 03 April 2002.

  Smith, Craig. “Shhh… It’s an Open Secret – Warlords and Pedophilia.” The New York Times 21 February 2002.

  Steven, Chris. “Startled Marines find Afghan Men all Made Up to See Them.” The Scotsman 24 May 2002.

  Summersgill, Bob, compiler. “Afghanistan Sodomy Laws.” The Sodomy Laws Database. Updated 2008. 29 July 2009.

  Various contributors. “Gay Rights in Afghanistan.” Wikipidia.org. Updated 2008. 29 July 2009. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gay_rights_in_Afghanistan#Sexual_Abuse

  __________________________________________

  [14] The HTT program, interestingly, is the first to literally close the “collector-analyst gap” for which the U.S. intelligence community has been criticized since the events of 9/11, by simply putting the same person in both roles. Despite its obvious problems, it is one sure way of solving communication issues between the two! I find myself talking to myself all the time.

  [15] Nevertheless, this work remains an informal paper written in a deployed field environment with the limited open-source resources available and without access to an academic library. The Human Terrain System’s Research Reachback Center (RRC) may have additional resources on the topic.

  [16] While researchers may argue whether this can rightly be termed abusive when seen through a lens from within the culture, it is not arguable that it involves a great imbalance of power and/or authority to the disadvantage of the boy involved. (For information regarding the sexual exploitation of boys as part of Taliban and private militia indoctrination of pre-teen fighters, see the New York Times article by Craig Smith regarding “Warlords and Pedophilia” and the Reuters article “Afghan Boy Dancers Sexually Abused by Former Warlords”—both referenced in “Further Reading.”)

  [17] Maura Reynolds, “Kandahar’s Lightly Veiled Homosexual Habits” (Los Angeles Times, 3 April 2002).

  [18] A punishment of death for individuals publicly labeled as homosexuals remains a possibility even now, outside of Taliban rule, if enforced by extremist family or tribe members. Familiar recent news highlighted the situation of the young Afghan actor who portrayed a victim of male-upon-male rape in the film The Kite Runner. He had to be removed from the country due to death threats.

  [19] Reading and understanding Koranic Arabic are two very different things. Muslims around the world, regardless of their linguistic background, are educated in religious schools to be able to read and recite the Arabic of the Koran. That is, they are taught to recognize, pronounce, and memorize the words in order. However, even this education does not teach students the meanings of the Arabic words they memorize. Students who do not natively speak Arabic, like those of Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, etc., remain dependent on teachers to interpret what is written for them, and these interpretations vary greatly dependent on the culture and agenda of the teachers.

  [20] Here a religion that prioritizes love and the fair treatment of others is turned on its head and made to condemn love as the greater sin but to tolerate the selfish use and potential abuse of another person as a pecadillo.

  [21] From HTT interview dated 28 June 2009, regarding the relationship between Pashtunwali and Islam.

  [22] From HTT interview dated 30 May 2009. Because of the nature of the details later revealed, the interviewee’s name, specific location, and unit details are withheld to protect the anonymity of DoD employee patients. Further details are available from HTT upon request.

  [23] Another medical professional’s estimate of homosexual prevalence is featured in Reynolds’ Los Angeles Times article (op. cit.). It reads:

  It’s not only religious authorities who describe homosexual sex as common among the Pashtuns. Dr. Mohammed Nasem Zafar, a professor at Kandahar Medical College, estimates that about 50% of the city’s male residents have sex with men or boys at some point in their lives. He says the prime age at which boys are attractive to men is from 12 to 16--before their beards grow in. The adolescents sometimes develop medical problems, which he sees in his practice, such as sexually transmitted diseases and sphincter incontinence. So far, the doctor said, AIDS does not seem to be a problem in Afghanistan, probably because the country is so isolated.

  [24] These men were also openly observed to simultaneously share the same cots within their sleeping quarters, and did not appear to feel the need to hide or disguise this fact. Again, it appears to be only the label of homosexuality that causes them discomfort.

  [25] These linguistic abilities were confirmed by a fluent Dari speaker who was an HTT member at the time.

  [26] Further regarding appearances for future reference, both female HTT members were well-covered in their attire, including long sleeves and pant legs. My own hair was covered with a scarf, while my female colleague’s hair was worn long and down. This may or may not have affected matters, as the men present regarded us both with equal apparent distaste.

  [27] From HTT personal field notes dated 5 May 2009.

  [28] HTT interview dated 11 May 2009 conducted at Kandahar Airfield, with former USPI employees. Their previous experi
ence included providing security for the building of the Ring Road over the many years of its construction, and working and living with locally-hired Afghan security details for highly extended periods.

  [29] Smith, Craig. Op cit.

  [30] Reynolds, Maura. Op cit.

  [31] Nick Meo, “The Boy Singers of Kabul” (Moby Capital Updates, 12 April 2005).

  [32] The titles translate roughly as “gorgeous youths,” “boy loves,” and “boys without beards.”

  [33] Anonymous, “Afghan Boy Dancers Sexually Abused by Former Warlords” (Reuters News Service, 18 Nov 2007). Interestingly, this article features the phenomenon as it takes place in several other areas of Afghanistan.

  [34] Dr. Richard Ammon, a clinical psychologist who maintains an internet database on worldwide homosexual culture at globalgayz.com, posted an interview containing this quotation. The article is titled “Interview with Michael Luongo on his return from ‘gay Afghanistan’” and was posted in July of 2004. Micheal Luongo is in turn a recognized researcher of gay culture in non-western societies and author of the book Gay Travels in the Muslim World. Both the interview and the book are referenced in “Further Reading.”

  [35] Smith, Craig, op. cit. Also noted in the Wikipedia article at www.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gay_rights_in_Afghanistan and the Sodomy Laws Database, edited by Bob Summersgill, at www.sodomylaws.org/world/afghanistan/afnews009.htm.

  [36] Tim Reid, “Kandahar Comes out of the Closet” (The Times of London, 12 January 2002).

  [37] Ibid.

  [38] Reynolds, Maura, op. cit.

  [39] This is often due to orphanhood or family separation because of refugee circumstances.

  [40] At worst, women are categorized by such leaders as associated with evil—not unlike many Christian teachings over the years, emphasizing Eve’s role in man’s downfall.