The Rise of Rome (Penguin Classics)

by Plutarch

  7. The spies, then, were duped and departed. Aratus, however, as soon as he had finished his meal, left the city, joined the men who awaited him at the tower of Polygnotus and led them to Nemea, where he disclosed his plan. Most of his men had not yet been informed of it, and so his address to them was replete with promises and exhortations. He gave as the watchword ‘Victorious Apollo’, and led them towards Sicyon, regulating his march by the movement of the moon, quickening or slowing his pace accordingly, so that he could profit from its light while on his way and arrive at the garden near the wall just as the moon was setting. There he was met by Caphisias, who had failed to restrain the dogs (they had run off too quickly) but had succeeded in locking up the gardener. Discouraged by this, most of his men pressed Aratus to withdraw, but he reassured them, promising that he would lead them back if the dogs caused too great a disturbance.

  At this time, he sent ahead the men who carried the ladders under the command of Ecdelus36 and Mnasitheus. He followed slowly. Almost immediately the dogs began barking wildly as they ran alongside Ecdelus’ men. Nonetheless, they managed to reach the wall and plant their ladders securely against it. But just as the first of the men were beginning their climb, the officer responsible for changing the guard for the morning watch began making his rounds. He was ringing a bell and was followed by soldiers carrying numerous torches and making a great deal of noise. The men on the ladders crouched down where they were and easily escaped any notice. But then more guards came along, in the opposite direction, and this put Aratus’ men in grave danger. These men too, however, passed by without discovering anything. At once Mnasitheus and Ecdelus mounted the wall, and, after they had posted sentries inside the city on the streets along the wall, sent Technon37 to Aratus with instructions to hurry forward.

  8. The distance between the garden and the wall was not great, nor between the garden and a tower in which a large hunting dog was on watch. This dog, however, did not notice the approach of Aratus’ men, perhaps because he was by nature a lazy dog or perhaps because he was exhausted by the exertions of the previous day. But he was stirred by the barking of the gardener’s little dogs and so began to growl, quietly and indistinctly at first, but when they came closer his growling turned loud and fierce. Soon he was barking ferociously, and a nearby sentinel cried out to the dog’s master asking whether his dog would bark so savagely unless there was something amiss. From the tower he answered that there was nothing to fear and that his dog had been excited by the lights carried by the guards and by the noise of the bell. More than anything else, this gave courage to Aratus’ men, for they believed the dog’s master was aware of their plot but was concealing them and there must be many others in the city who would likewise take their part.

  When the rest of the men came to the wall, however, they found themselves in great danger because their ascent was taking so long. This was the fault of the ladders, which trembled and threatened to give way unless they climbed one at a time, and slowly. The hour was pressing, moreover, when the roosters would begin to crow and farmers would begin to arrive from the countryside, bringing their produce to the market-place. Consequently, Aratus climbed hurriedly to the top, although only forty men had preceded him, and he waited just long enough for a few others to join him before he set off for the tyrant’s house and the barracks where the mercenaries passed the night. These he fell upon suddenly, capturing all of them without killing anyone. He then sent messages to his friends,38 urgently summoning each of them out of their houses. And from everywhere they rushed to him. Soon it was daybreak and the theatre was crowded with anxious men who had only rumours to go on and knew nothing of what had just taken place. Then the herald stepped forward and proclaimed that Aratus, son of Cleinias, invited his fellow-citizens to reclaim their freedom.

  9. Persuaded that the event they had so long anticipated had indeed arrived, they rushed in a body to the tyrant’s residence and set it on fire. A great flame arose from the burning house which could be seen as far away as Corinth,39 and in fact the astonished Corinthians very nearly set out to offer their assistance. As for Nicocles, he slipped out unnoticed by way of an underground passage and fled the city, while Aratus’ men joined with the Sicyonians in putting out the blaze and subsequently plundering the residence. Not only did Aratus do nothing to stop this, he handed over to the citizenry what remained of the tyrant’s wealth. In all of this, not a single person was slain or injured, neither among the assailants nor among their enemies: Fortune protected this enterprise, keeping it pure and unsullied by civil bloodshed.40

  Aratus restored everyone who had been banished by Nicocles, and the number of these came to eighty. He also recalled those who had been expelled by previous tyrants, and of these there were not fewer than 500, some of whom had been in exile for as long as fifty years. Most of these returned impoverished and so tried to recover the properties that had once been theirs. But when these men returned to their former farms and houses, they put Aratus in a very difficult situation, for he could see how Antigonus threatened the city from the outside and was envious of the freedom it had regained,41 while at the same time the city was shaken within by strife and faction.42

  With this in mind, Aratus decided that matters would be best if Sicyon joined the Achaean League,43 and so, although they were Dorians, the Sicyonians willingly adopted the name and constitution of the Achaeans, who, at that time, enjoyed neither fame nor great power.44 Most of them in fact dwelt in small cities, whose territories were neither bountiful nor extensive, located along a coast that offered nothing in the way of good harbours, and where the sea washed against a steep and craggy shore. But they, more than any other people, demonstrated the invincibility of Greek valour whenever it is well regulated, consolidated by unity of purpose and under the direction of an intelligent leader. For although they had almost no share in the ancient glories of the Greeks, and although at this time they did not possess collectively the influence of even a single city of any standing, nevertheless, owing to their prudence and harmony, and because instead of suffering envy they preferred to follow and obey that man among them who was foremost in virtue, they not only preserved their freedom when confronted by many formidable cities, principalities and tyrannies, but also saved and liberated much of the rest of Greece.

  10. In his very nature Aratus was a statesman: he was magnanimous, more concerned with the management of civic affairs than his personal ones, a man who hated tyrants bitterly and yet always regulated his enmities and friendships on the basis of what was best for the public good. For this reason, he did not so much appear a firm friend as a conciliatory and mild enemy, reacting to political circumstances so as to adjust his position for the good of the state. His real passion lay in preserving harmony among different peoples, cooperation and community among cities, and unanimity in assemblies and meetings in theatres. Indeed, nothing was more attractive to him than these things. In warfare and in open contests, he was timid and diffident, but when it came to stealing an advantage or secretly manipulating cities and tyrants, he was masterful. For this reason, although he earned many unexpected successes on account of his boldness, it seems that his caution caused him to miss just as many opportunities.45 Indeed, one may conclude that, just as there are certain animals that can see well at night but are blinded by day, because the moisture in their eyes is too rarefied and delicate to endure any exposure to sunlight, so there exists a kind of man whose cleverness and intelligence are readily broken down, almost by nature, when events take place out in the open and are proclaimed by heralds,46 and yet, in affairs that are secret and covert, his capacities recover. This is a peculiarity that arises when one lacks a sound philosophical education, and it can afflict even a man of the finest natural qualities, whose virtue develops in the absence of any correct understanding of moral philosophy, just like a fruit that grows spontaneously and without cultivation. This is a truth that can be demonstrated by numerous examples.47

  11. When Aratus had joined himself a
nd his city to the Achaeans, he served in the league’s cavalry, where his ready obedience won him the affection of his commanders, for although he had already made great contributions to the league by adding to it his own renown, as well as the might of his own city, he nevertheless subordinated himself, like any other soldier, to the authority of whoever of the Achaeans was acting as general, whether he was from Dyme or Tritaea48 or from a city even smaller than either of these. Furthermore, when he received from the king49 a gift of money to the amount of 25 talents, Aratus accepted it but at once handed it over to his fellow-citizens, who were greatly in need of money, not least to pay for ransoming men who had been taken prisoner.

  12. At Sicyon, however, the restored exiles could not be persuaded to stop harassing those who had come into possession of their former properties, and the city was coming dangerously close to breaking out in violent turmoil. Aratus recognized that the only hope of peace lay in the generosity of Ptolemy and so decided to set sail in order to ask the king to furnish him with enough money to resolve the crisis. He embarked from Methone,50 above Malea, intending to take advantage of favourable winds along the regular passage, but once at sea strong gales and rough waves forced his captain off course and they barely managed to reach Hydria.51 Yet this place lay in enemy territory, for it belonged to Antigonus, who had installed a garrison there.52 Aratus was aware of this, and so went ashore, abandoned his ship and withdrew inland, well away from the sea, accompanied by one of his friends, Timanthes.53 They hid themselves in a dense wood, where they passed a very difficult night. It was not long before the commander of the garrison came to the ship and demanded Aratus, but he was tricked by Aratus’ slaves, who said that he had fled as soon as he had arrived, sailing off to Euboea. Aratus’ ship, however, and all its cargo, including his slaves, were claimed as contraband and seized by the commander.

  For several days Aratus remained in this helpless condition, when a stroke of good fortune occurred. A Roman ship54 put in at the place he was staying, where at times he came out himself in order to inspect the sea, although for the most part he kept himself concealed. This vessel was bound for Syria, but Aratus went on board and persuaded the captain to carry him as far as Caria.55 This voyage entailed as many perils as his previous one. After a long time, he made his way from Caria to Egypt. There he was immediately received by the king, who was very kindly disposed towards him, both for his own sake and on account of the drawings and paintings Aratus had furnished him from Greece.56 Aratus was himself a consummate connoisseur, never ceasing to collect the works of the most skilled artists, especially pieces by Pamphilus and Melanthus,57 which he would then send to the king.

  13. The fame of Sicyon’s exquisite and excellent paintings58 was still well and truly flourishing in those days, so much so that it was generally accepted that they and they alone possessed a beauty that was incorruptible. It was for this reason that the famous Apelles,59 who was already much admired, came to Sicyon and paid a talent to be enrolled among the city’s artists, keener to share in their reputation than in their actual technique. Consequently, although when Aratus liberated the city he immediately destroyed all the other portraits of tyrants, he deliberated at great length over the portrait of Aristratus,60 who had held power during the time of Philip.61 This painting was the product of the school of Melanthus: in it, Aristratus was depicted standing alongside a chariot bearing Victory. Apelles, too, had had a hand in making this picture, according to the geographer Polemon.62 This piece was so captivating in appearance that Aratus was deeply affected by its execution. Nonetheless, owing to his hatred of tyrants, he ordered its removal and destruction. At this, we are told, the painter Neacles,63 who was a friend of Aratus, beseeched him with tears to spare the work, and, when he could not persuade him, declared that war should be waged against tyrants, not the portraits of tyrants. ‘Let us, then, leave the chariot and Victory, and for you I shall expunge from the painting the image of Aristratus himself.’ Aratus gave his consent. Neacles erased Aristratus. In his place he painted a single palm, for he did not dare add anything more. They say, however, that the feet of the effaced Aristratus, beneath the chariot, escaped his notice.

  Now the king was already fond of Aratus on account of the gifts of artwork he had received, and his esteem for the man grew as he became better acquainted with him. And so he made him a present of 150 talents. Aratus took 40 talents with him at once and returned to the Peloponnese. The remainder the king divided into smaller sums which he later sent in instalments.64

  14. Now, it was a truly great deed to acquire so large a sum of money for his fellow-citizens. Other men, who were generals or demagogues, had, in exchange for much less money, wronged or enslaved or betrayed their cities, which is why it was a far nobler thing when Aratus employed this wealth to resolve differences between the rich and the poor and bring them into concord, an action which brought security and stability to the whole of the populace. Furthermore, when he was entrusted with an extraordinary authority, Aratus exhibited admirable moderation, for when he was appointed arbiter over the administration of the restored exiles’ affairs, with full and absolute jurisdiction, he refused to exercise this office alone. Instead, he enlisted the aid of fifteen of his fellow-citizens, in cooperation with whom, after much effort and extended negotiations, he succeeded in restoring amity and harmony to the city.65 In recognition of these services, not only did the whole of the citizen body bestow fitting honours on him, but the restored exiles, on their own, erected a bronze statue of him on which they inscribed these verses:

  The wisdom of this man, his contests and his valour in

  defence of Greece

  Are famed as far away as the Pillars of Heracles.66

  Still, Aratus, we who have returned to our city, erected this

  statue of you,

  In honour of your virtue and your justice,

  A statue of our saviour dedicated to the Saviour Gods,67

  because to your city

  You brought equity and a divine observance of the

  rule of law.

  15. The gratitude earned by Aratus for performing these services put him beyond the envy of any of his fellow-citizens, but Antigonus, the king, was not at all pleased by Aratus’ success and so decided he must either completely win the man over, making him his friend, or in any case detach him from Ptolemy. For this reason, he behaved with great generosity and kindness towards Aratus, who for his part did not at all welcome the king’s attentions. The most notable instance of this occurred when the king was sacrificing to the gods at Corinth and sent portions of the offering to Aratus at Sicyon. Then, during the banquet, he said in a loud voice to the many who were present, ‘My opinion of this young Sicyonian had not extended beyond deeming him liberal in character and a patriot, but he also appears to be a competent judge of the lifestyles and practices of kings. For in the past he was inclined to overlook me and place his hopes farther afield, admiring instead Egyptian wealth, no doubt because he had heard of its elephants and fleets and fine palaces. Now, however, he has looked behind the scenes and learned how everything there is mere theatricality and stagecraft, and as a consequence has attached himself entirely to me. As for me, I welcome this young man and intend to make every possible use of his services, and I ask you to think of him as a friend.’68 The king’s remarks were exploited by others who, motivated by jealousy and malevolence, vied with one another in writing letters to Ptolemy69 denouncing Aratus, and so effective were they that Ptolemy sent a representative to Aratus conveying his reproaches. Thus one observes how much envy and ill-will are entailed by friendship with a king or tyrant, for these connections are highly desired and sought after with an ardent passion.

  16. When Aratus was elected general of the Achaean League for the first time,70 he laid waste the territories of Locris and Calydon,71 each of which lies opposite Achaea. He then proceeded, in command of an army of 10,000 soldiers, to go to the aid of the Boeotians, but he arrived too late and they were defeated7
2 by the Aetolians in a battle at Chaeronea73 in which their boeotarch,74 Aboeocritus, fell along with 1,000 of his men.

  A year later, when he was once again general,75 Aratus undertook the recovery of the Acrocorinth76 – not merely to advance the interests of Sicyon and the Achaeans but, by expelling the Macedonian garrison that held the place, to free all of Greece from its tyrannical influence. Chares77 the Athenian, after he had defeated in battle the generals of the Great King,78 wrote to the Athenian people that his victory was a sister to the battle of Marathon. One would not err in describing Aratus’ achievement as a sister to the deeds of the Theban Pelopidas or Thrasybulus the Athenian, each of whom was a slayer of tyrants,79 except that Aratus’ success surpassed theirs in that he acted, not against fellow-Greeks, but against a foreign and alien power. For the Isthmus,80 by separating the seas, attaches and unites the Greek mainland with the Peloponnese. But whenever the Acrocorinth, a steep height rising up in the middle of Greece, is occupied by a garrison, everything south of the Isthmus is cut off and it is impossible for exchanges with the mainland or journeys to and fro to take place, nor military expeditions by land or sea. Thus whoever garrisons the Acrocorinth becomes the region’s sole lord and master, which is why the younger Philip81 appeared to be stating a truth and not making a joke when he called the city of Corinth the fetters of Greece.