Rising Star

by David J. Garrow

  On Thursday, February 17, Bobby Rush finally agreed to appear at several debates and candidates’ forums. Rush’s press spokesperson, Maudlyne Ihejirika, adopting a demeaning tone, declared that “Obama will get his opportunity to hang out with the congressman—an opportunity he so desperately seeks.” She also insisted that Barack’s criticisms of Rush’s invisibility had played no role in Rush agreeing to debate. “Obama is not even on our radar screen. His constant whining does not even register here,” Ihejirika declared.

  The next morning Barack, Rush, and Donne Trotter appeared live for two hours on Cliff Kelley’s show on WVON radio. Barack expressed opposition to school vouchers because they could “hemorrhage money out of the public school system,” but he acknowledged that “when you’ve just got a monopoly in the public schools without expanding competition, we’ve got problems. I’m in favor of charters, and I’m in favor of expanding competition within the public school system.” During one commercial break, Barack’s prescription drug ad aired, and during the next off-air break, Rush expressed outrage. “It’s a lie, a fabrication,” Rush declared. “It’s the worst form of campaign advertising that I’ve been privy to.” Barack responded, “I don’t think that it is a distortion of the record for me to say that generally constituents don’t have much access or ideas of what the congressman is doing.” Rush replied that “maybe you haven’t been around the First Congressional District long enough to really see what’s going on.” Turning to studio onlookers, Rush added that “one of the things that galls me about this guy is that he says one thing about you in your presence” before being cut off as the broadcast resumed.

  Rush was scheduled to join his opponents at a Sunday-afternoon forum at Trinity United Church of Christ, but on Saturday Rush left Chicago to comfort his ailing father in southwest Georgia. In Rush’s absence, Barack told the Trinity crowd that “if you’re only interested in votes, or for that matter bringing money back to the district, stick with the status quo. But if you’re concerned about long-term leadership for our community, I think I’m your guy.” At a subsequent forum in Hyde Park, Barack stressed that universal health care “has been the centerpiece of my campaign” and told one questioner that “I’m strongly opposed to school prayer, but not prayer. Public schools are not the appropriate place.” That issue “goes beyond the separation of church and state and goes to the heart of what we believe in.”

  On Monday, news spread that Rush’s father had died the previous day. More sadly for Barack, former senator Paul Simon’s seventy-seven-year-old wife Jeanne had also passed away on Sunday. Barack made plans to drive to Carbondale on Wednesday to attend the visitation and then Thursday morning’s funeral service for Simon’s wife, but first he loaned his financially struggling campaign an additional $2,000. Dan Shomon and Madelyn Dunham each chipped in the maximum $1,000 apiece that week, but by the end of February, Barack had raised just $89,000 since the first of the year, leaving only $18,000 as well as outstanding bills for three times that amount. Rush had taken in just $103,000, almost half of which came from PACs, and had $72,000 available after spending more than $75,000 on direct mail and another $30,000 on radio ads. Donne Trotter had received only $22,000, had spent $10,000 on one mailing, and had a cash balance of $851.66. Rush told one reporter that Barack’s campaign was being fueled by “white money” from outside the district, prompting Barack to reply that “for me to get money from progressive individuals like Judson Miner is far superior to me getting it from Ameritech,” although three months later Barack’s state campaign committee would accept a $1,500 check from Ameritech.

  Rush spent $7,000 for a late-February poll of six hundred 1st District voters that showed him with an overwhelming 71 percent to 10 percent lead over Barack, with Trotter at 8 percent. Seeing Paul Simon in Carbondale was a poignant experience for Barack, and Simon’s daughter Sheila recalled that her dad “really made a big deal” of being sure to introduce Sheila to Barack, whom she had heard about but had never met. “It was clear that dad was very fond of him,” Sheila remembered. After the funeral Barack returned to Springfield, where one reporter asked about his racial profiling bill, and he explained that “you will be hard pressed to find a black or Hispanic family who does not have at least one member who feels they’ve been stopped because of their race.” The reporter added that Obama “said he has been stopped many times for no apparent traffic violation.”16

  The Sun-Times reported Alice Palmer’s enthusiastic support of Rush. “African Americans have fought hard for these positions. His seniority is extremely important, and we should not make light of it.” Thanks to Summer Samuels-Piggee and John Eason’s hard work with South Side pastors, Barack’s campaign pulled together a press conference at a Methodist church in Chatham featuring more than a dozen ministers who were publicly endorsing him. Father Mike Pfleger and Rev. Alvin Love, who had known Barack since his time at DCP, were among them; Jeremiah Wright was not. Barack had worked hard for Pfleger’s support, meeting at the Pancake House in Hyde Park for a long breakfast, during which Mike had warned him that “you’re running against an icon.” Mike realized that “ambition was always part of Barack’s foundation,” yet “there was something about him that I was drawn to” because “when you talked with him you got energized,” Mike explained. “I wrestled a whole lot” before agreeing to support Barack, and the backlash after that press conference was intense. “Bobby was very upset with me, very angry with me,” and “I got eaten alive on black radio.” Mike recalled his stance proved “very costly” because “I had a lot of people turn against me on that.”

  On Monday, March 6, the Chicago Tribune endorsed Barack over Rush, saying, “it’s time for a change” and calling Barack “a rising star on the local political scene.” Obama “is smart and energetic . . . and he is committed to his community. He has fresh ideas” and “would become a spokesman for African-American concerns nationally and an important voice in shaping urban politics in Chicago and the nation.” Barack also announced endorsements by former congressman Ab Mikva, former alderman Leon Despres, and progressive physician Quentin Young, earning a Sun-Times story in which Rush’s spokeswoman Maudlyne Ihejirika proclaimed that “Obama doesn’t know the meaning of leadership.” In the Hyde Park Herald, Ihejirika reacted to Barack’s prescription drugs ad by remarking, “what a fraud Mr. Obama is” and complained about his “constant fabrications.” Barack announced a ten-point economic development plan that won coverage in the Defender, and on Tuesday night, March 7, Rush appeared—although thirty minutes late—at a candidates’ forum at a church in mostly white Beverly.

  Barack again resorted to his abstract argument that the contest involved “leadership and who can best articulate a vision for the district.” In the suburban Daily Southtown’s first article on the race, columnist Phil Kadner said Rush “seemed to have difficulty collecting his thoughts or recalling details,” even though the candidates had been given a written list of questions in advance. Barack “has Sidney Poitier good looks and is one of the most articulate candidates you are ever likely to hear,” Kadner wrote, but “if Obama said anything memorable, or newsworthy, it slipped my mind.” Attendees believed “Obama was the most effective in pleading his case,” and Kadner concluded that “Obama would be the more likely to sway opinion in Congress because he’s more eloquent.”

  Kadner later recalled getting a phone call from Barack complaining about the column, but now the primary campaign had less than two weeks to go. On Friday, March 10, Chicago radio stations began airing Chris Sautter’s two final ads for Barack. The first began with a ringing school bell followed by a black woman’s voice. “As a former teacher and grandparent, I can tell you kids love working on computers. Unfortunately, there aren’t enough computers to go around in many South Side schools. Meanwhile, affluent suburban students learn on new computers at home and school. In this new high-tech economy, we can’t let our children get caught on the wrong side of the digital divide. That’s one reason I’m voting for Ba
rack Obama for Congress on March 21st. As a state senator, Barack has been a leader in bringing quality education for all children.” Then Barack spoke: “This is state senator Barack Obama. My school technology plan will give our students the skills they need to compete in the new high-tech job market. But I’ll also focus on the basics, by fighting to expand early childhood education programs and by reducing class sizes. Our children deserve the best, and my education plan makes sure they get it.” An announcer intoned the campaign slogan—“Barack Obama, Democrat for Congress. New leadership that works for us”—and Barack recited the standard closing: “Paid for by Obama for Congress 2000.”

  The second ad featured the same African American couple from the ad four months earlier. “I suppose you’re not voting in the Democratic primary on March 21?” the woman asked. “Of course I’m voting. You’re the one who always forgets to vote,” the man replied. “And I suppose you’re voting for Bobby Rush again?” she asked. “I guess so. Didn’t you vote for Rush last time?” “Not this time,” the woman answered. “Rush gets on TV a lot, but I can’t think of anything important he’s done in Washington. I just found out that Rush has the worst attendance record of any Illinois congressman. He’s missed over three hundred votes.” “Bad news,” the man responded. “So who you for?” “State senator Barack Obama,” she answered. “I’ve seen him speak a couple of times and he’s really got a lot on the ball. Civil rights attorney, law professor. Obama’s got specific plans to cut prescription drug prices and to stop racial profiling. And Obama can help bring jobs back to the South Side.” “Oh yeah, Obama. I’ve been hearing good things about him lately,” the man said. “The Chicago Tribune endorsed Obama, calling him an outstanding candidate,” she stated. “We need someone who does more than talk,” the man offered. “So finally we agree on something?” she asked. “Barack Obama for Congress,” he intoned. “New leadership that works for us,” she recited. “Paid for by Obama for Congress 2000,” Barack concluded.17

  Barack went into the final ten days with an energized campaign staff if not much money. Dan Shomon, Will Burns, and several dozen regular volunteers placed yard signs on major thoroughfares, and weekend leafleting was especially successful in the predominantly white 19th Ward and in close-in suburbs like Evergreen Park and Blue Island. On most weekday mornings, Barack and a staffer or two shook hands and distributed leaflets at Chicago Transit Authority L—elevated train—stations across the South Side. State representative Tom Dart “definitely got some pushback from people” in Tom Hynes’s 19th Ward organization for his active support of Barack, but “everything we were getting back was showing us we were going to do really well” in the western part of the district. Many of the volunteers were involved because of their friendships with Dan Shomon or Will Burns as much as their support for Barack, but a good number of U of C law students pitched in too. Old friend Hasan Chandoo came through Chicago and spent a day with Barack but was not enthused by what he saw. Former Law Review colleagues Andy Schapiro and David Goldberg contacted the campaign and asked for a fund-raising letter they could circulate among Harvard Law alumni and were similarly displeased. Chris Sautter, who was in Chicago only occasionally, felt that “down the stretch, Barack was going through the motions,” but scheduler Cynthia Miller, who interacted with him multiple times every day, believed “he was still giving it his all.”

  On Saturday, March 11, the three major candidates appeared at a Chicago Urban League forum. Barack said that for decades federal and city housing policy had tried “to concentrate and segregate poverty,” and in 1997, he had “voted against the entire state budget because I thought too much money was going to the prisons.” Donne Trotter accused Barack of hijacking his racial profiling bill from state representative Monique Davis, who had introduced one over a year earlier. Barack appeared “stunned” and replied, “Don’t lie now. That was my bill. I had it first.” With the Daily Southtown, Barack abstractly characterized the difference between himself and Rush. “The key issue in this race is who can provide key leadership in framing the issues, organizing resources at a local level to ensure that federal programs are actually benefiting constituents.” The Southtown endorsed Barack, saying “we have great respect for Rush and have supported him in his previous races . . . but after four terms, we don’t believe he has accomplished enough on behalf of his district, particularly the western end.” Voters “would be better served by Barack Obama, an energetic young lawyer” who has “emerged as a forceful Democratic spokesman.”

  Sunday’s biggest news was that a thirty-second radio ad featuring President Bill Clinton would begin airing Monday on Rush’s behalf. It was 100 percent Clinton: “Illinois has a powerful voice in Congress it can’t afford to lose. Bobby Rush’s leadership has secured millions of dollars for job training and much needed community development. Bobby Rush has been an active leader in the effort to keep guns away from kids and criminals long before his own family was the victim of senseless gun violence. I’m President Clinton urging you to send Bobby Rush back to Congress where he can continue his fight to prepare our children for the twenty-first century. Illinois and America need Bobby Rush in Congress.”

  Sunday afternoon Barack marched with Tom Dart and a number of volunteers in the annual South Side Irish Parade, with his name amended to O’Bama in honor of St. Patrick’s Day. Monday evening the three major candidates appeared together on a twenty-minute segment of Chicago Tonight, public television station WTTW’s premier news program. Host Phil Ponce, always a tough questioner, began by asking Rush about the Tribune and Daily Southtown’s endorsements of Barack. Rush, not the most articulate of speakers, responded by citing President Clinton’s endorsement of him. Ponce then asked Barack, “What makes you different from the congressman?” Barack backed into a response, saying, “I don’t think there are a lot of ideological differences,” because “all three of us are progressive, urban Democrats. I think that we share most views.” Barack noted that “Congressman Rush is more hesitant about campaign finance reform. That’s a high priority for me . . . but for the most part, I think that we agree ideologically. I think that the issue in this race is really leadership.” Then Barack became wordy and repetitive. “The question for the voters in the First Congressional District is who can best articulate and frame the issues that are most important to voters in the district and who can provide the leadership to organize resources, both federal and state and municipal at the local level, to make a difference on issues that count like education, health care, jobs, and economic development, and my assessment is that my experience not only as a legislator but also as a civil rights attorney, as a community organizer, gives me the leadership skills to provide, to really make a difference in this race.”

  Ponce then asked whether Barack’s fund-raising meant he would be “‘beholden to interests outside the district,’” as Rush’s campaign had insinuated. Barack replied that “99 percent of our money comes from individuals, as opposed to PACs,” and his broad support showed “I’ve got relationships throughout this city,” which was valuable because “one of the things that we need in this office is somebody who is able to create coalitions and work across a wide spectrum of interests and I think that’s something I can provide.” Ponce asked Rush to name his top achievement, and Rush cited protecting a section of the L’s Green Line in Englewood. Asked to respond, Barack stated that Englewood had been “festering into other communities” throughout Rush’s time in Congress. When Ponce raised Rush’s seniority, Barack said, “vision and imagination and hard work is more important” and cited Rush’s challenging Charlie Hayes. “I can bring more energy and focus to the job.”

  Requested to specify his priorities, Barack said “combining education and workforce training to make sure that we’ve got the human capital in place to compete in a high-tech, high-wage economy.” He added that “very few businesses that already exist in that area actually know what kind of federal help they can get,” because “one of the arguments I think I
have against Congressman Rush in this race is that he has not been particularly accessible in terms of letting businesses know how the federal government can assist them in terms of growing their businesses and how we can market the community to attract new businesses in the community.” Ponce challenged Barack that “you simply haven’t been in the state Senate very long. You have a limited track record in terms of time. What is your argument based on the one term that you’ve served in the Senate so far that makes you prepared for the Congress?” Barack corrected Ponce, that he actually was in his second term, and cited his law practice, his Annenberg Challenge role, and his organizing experience as demonstrating that he had “the skill set required not only to deal with government, but also to be able to put government programs together with the not-for-profits and the private sector to make things work for people in the district.”

  Rush tried to attack Barack, saying, “Senator Barack, he represents a part of Englewood, his district has always been in Englewood. Englewood’s always been in his district. What has he done?” Barack replied, “I’ve brought two million dollars back to the district last year.” Trotter sought to dismiss them both by saying, “what we’ve been hearing here is one who I believe is talking in rhetoric again and someone else is talking in theory.” Then Barack volunteered, “I actually thought Congressman Rush did a good thing running against the mayor, because I don’t think anybody should have a pass. I don’t think Congressman Rush in this situation should have a pass. I don’t think the mayor should have a pass. I don’t get a pass for my state Senate seat.” Barack reiterated, “I think that Congressman Rush did a brave thing running and I don’t want it perceived that somehow he is being punished for that race.” Yet by mentioning “pass,” Barack had left himself open to a closing rebuttal from Rush. “I certainly disagree with the senator, Senator Obama. He did get a pass in his first effort out in terms of running for the Senate. He and others knocked his predecessor, Senator Alice Palmer, off the ballot. He got a free pass on his first time around.”18