mula is a recipe for civilizational collision.35 Regrettably, the means employed to
‘restrain development’ and ‘maintain superiority’ have been surreptitiously swept
under the rug. To be exact, while claiming to prevent global war, his policy sug-
gestions create the world that he ostensibly seeks to save humanity from. A modus
operandi that presupposes human interaction to be innately confrontational
legitimizes ‘might is right’ and only encourages others to follow suit.
Sadly, the idea of ‘dialogue’ was struck a deadly blow on September 11, when
four hijacked airplanes killed thousands of innocent people. Among the smoul-
dering rubble and smoking ruins lay buried the belief in dialogue. Emotions
ran too high for rational thought, with belligerent posturing and threats abound-
ing. An event of such monumental political significance, that in and of itself has
been used to justify a near complete paradigm shift in the manner of both
domestic and international relations. The war on terror, or of terror, had begun
and it was time for the US to strike back. On that extraordinary day, ‘stocks
tumbled, the Stock Exchange closed, all flights were suspended, emergency was
declared in several states, and false alarms sent people scurrying for their lives’.36
The media further heightened the sense of urgency, panic and hysteria. Anthrax
cases, a fire in the subway, and even a tremor in California were instinctively
blamed on ‘terrorists’. The news and commentaries that followed were broadcast
under the headings of ‘America under Attack’ and ‘Why do they hate us?’
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The unprecedented carnage and mayhem led to a declaration of war and in
early October the bombing of Afghanistan began. ‘In this case it was a totally
asymmetrical war in the most profound ways possible: the two different
societies, one highly industrialized and world-dominating, the other still pre-
industrial, impoverished, and tribal spoke different languages and lived in
different cultures’.37 The only thing in common between the two was the mutual incomprehension with which they viewed each other. A clash between
‘arrogance’ and ‘ignorance’ had begun. Furthermore, the idea of Islam as an
enemy was gaining ground, as indicated by fear-mongering and racist comments
made by Armageddon proponents such as Franklin Graham. 38 Of course, no
Introduction
11
one bothered to understand that the hijackers had nothing to do with Islamic
theology, which postulates that taking one life is as though slaying all of
humanity.39 Few, also, recognized the humiliation and on-going terror in much of the Muslim world from the decades of emotional and physical violence it had
been subjected to. Consequently, the idea of Islam set on a collision course
with America was triumphant over the notions of global peace and dialogue.
The prospect of a harmonious relationship between Islam and ‘the West’
looks uncertain, perhaps pessimistic. The relationship is further complicated
with patronizing media assaults reinforcing the stereotype of the pejorative
‘other’ and energises Islamophobia. This archaic paradigm of thought is
representative of a colonial mindset that subjugates and furthers self-worth on
the basis of that subjugation. It is this particular mindset that is pushing
forward the idea of collision, which should be opposed. And only with
compassionate comprehension of other civilizations, through the development
of a scholarship of inclusion, can we resolve some of the world’s most
pressing issues. The common problems – which negatively affect all, irrespec-
tive of race, nationality or religion – in a shrinking world need to be jointly
identified to strengthen the idea of dialogue. The growing gap between the
rich and poor throughout the world, the scourge of drugs, breakdown of the
family, youth violence and skyrocketing crime, racial prejudices, poverty, a
growing sense of anarchy, the depletion of our natural resources and other
ecological concerns, and the sexual debasement of women and children are
global issues that should encourage enlightened discourse. ‘These are tense
times, but it is better to think in terms of powerful and powerless communities,
the secular politics of reason and ignorance, and universal principles of justice
and injustice, than to wander off in search of vast abstractions that may give
some momentary satisfaction but little self-knowledge or informed analysis’. 40
Certainly, the tremendous interdependence of our era, hitherto unfamiliar,
underlines the importance of successfully crossing cultural barriers in a
manner that nurtures understanding and togetherness in the human diaspora.
The rapid coming together of the world poses risks as well as opportunities. The
result of globalization rests with the honest pursuit of equity, fairness and even-
handedness of peoples in and between nations. Also, the ideal of unity through
diversity – multiculturalism – attempts to respond to this challenge through a
process of inclusion. There can be little use for dialogue without understanding.
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This book, thus, hopes to further a dialogue of civilizations by articulating a
significant internal challenge confronting Muslim societies. Obviously, redu-
cing a sophisticated civilization to simple rituals encourages simple solutions:
reaching for weapons.41 We, as humans, are all swimming in interdependent waters, and this has never been so obvious as it is today in our global village.
Organization of this book
This study is organized into nine chapters. Chapter 2 is a conceptual inquiry into political culture – a literature review. It reviews major concepts in the
12
Islam and Pakistan’s Political Culture
field of political culture and describes how people articulate and interpret
them. That includes the definition, origins and development of political culture,
leading to isolating the ‘gap’ in political culture research. Chapter 3 deals with a Qur’anic account of epistemology and establishes the groundwork from which
to define the ‘gap’ in political culture research for understanding it in Muslim
polities. Chapter 4, specifically, defines that gap by extracting political principles from the Qur’an, Prophetic sayings and Rashidun era. Then Chapter 5 takes those principles and uses them as building blocks to describe a corresponding
political order, which focuses on the principle of coexistence. Chapter 6 deals with the contextual level of analysis, namely Pakistan. It focuses on the relationship between religion and society, culminating in the political movement
for Pakistan. Furthermore, it details the growth and development of three
opposing ideological trends in Muslim polities: the traditionalist, secularist and
revivalist. This chapter applies the insights learned theoretically to the practical situation in Pakistan. Chapter 7 gives a history of Pakistani political culture after the 1947 partition of the British Empire in South Asia. It follows the development of the current constitution from its roots in the newly formed country.
Chapter 8 discusses the relationship between civilian and military rulers in Pakistan and assessers the manner in which each interacts with the ‘foundational’ political
thoughts, ideals and values emanating from the ‘sources of
legitimacy’ in Islam. Chapter 9 discusses major events that have transpired in Pakistan and possible ways forward. Chapter 10, the conclusion, summarizes
the findings of this study and explores their theoretical implications and utility.
Notes
1 Taylor, Charles. The Malaise of Modernity, (Concord, Ontario: House of Anansi Press, 1991) p. 7.
2 Nasr, Seyyid Hossain. Science and Civilization in Islam, (Boston, MA: Harvard University Press, 1968) p. 1.
3 Eickelman, David and Piscatori, James. Muslim Politics, (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996) p. 59.
4 Ibn Khaldun. The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, translated and introduced by Franz Rosenthal, edited by N. J. Dawood, Bollingen Series, (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005) pp. 9, 57.
5 Grusec, Joan E. and Hastings, Paul D. Handbook of Socialization: Theory and Research, (Abingdon: Guilford Press, 2007) p. 547.
6 Gray, John. Black Mass: Apocalyptic Religion and the Death of Utopia, (London: Downloaded by [University of Connecticut] at 18:26 09 January 2017
Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007) p. 5.
7 Toynbee, Arnold. A Study of History, V.1, Abridgment of Volumes 1–6, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987) p. 13.
8 Ahmad, Eqbal. ‘Islam and Politics’, in Islam, Politics and the State, Asghar Khan (ed.), (London: Zed Books, 1985) p. 17.
9 Gray, John. Black Mass: Apocalyptic Religion and the Death of Utopia, (London: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007) p. 5.
10 Jameson, Anne Brownwell. ‘Studies: Detached Thoughts’, in The Encyclopaedia of Practical Quotations, p. 206.
11 Cox, Robert W. Approaches to World Order, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996) p. 51.
Introduction
13
12 Devetak, Richard. ‘Critical Theory’, Theories of International Relations, third edn, (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005) p. 154.
13 Cohen, L., Manion, L. and Morrison, K. Research Methods in Education, (London: Routledge, 2011) p. 23.
14 Maykut, Pamela and Morehouse, Richard. Beginning Qualitative Research: A Philosophical and Practical Guide, (London: Routledge, 1994) p. 2.
15 Blaikie, Norman. Designing Social Research, (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2010) pp. 13–18.
16 Yates, Simeon J. Doing Social Science Research, (New York: Sage Publications, 2003) p. 242.
17 Ibid., p. 242.
18 Blaikie, Norman. Designing Social Research, p. 25.
19 Ibid., p. 25.
20 Reichertz, Jo. ‘Abduction, Deduction and Induction in Qualitative Research’, in Uwe Flick, Erwin Von Kardoff, Ines Steinke (eds), A Companion to Qualitative
Research, (London: Sage Publications, 2004) pp. 159–63.
21 Fairclough, Norman. Language and Power, (London: Routledge, 2001) p. 11.
22 Fairclough, Norman. Discourse and Social Change, (London: Polity Press, 1993) p. 6.
23 Bourdieu, Pierre. ‘Cultural Reproduction and Social Reproduction’, in R. Brown (ed.), Knowledge, Education and Cultural Change, (London: Tavistock Publications,
1973) pp. 98–112.
24 Luke, Allan. ‘Theory and Practice in Critical Discourse Analysis’, in L. Saha (ed.), International Encyclopedia of the Sociology of Education. www.gseis.ucla.
edu/courses/ed253a/Luke/SAHA6.html.
25 Ibid.
26 Ibid.
27 Abul-Fadl, Mona. Where East Meets West: The West on the Agenda of the Islamic Revival, (Herndon, VA: IIIT, 1992) p. 17.
28 Galtung, Johann. ‘The Emerging Conflict Formations’, in Restructuring for World Peace: On the Threshold of the Twenty-First Century, (Cresskill, NJ:
Hampton Press, 1992) p. 23.
29 President Muhammad Khatami of Iran, in his text to the United Nations General Assembly in New York, on 24 September 1998, advocated a ‘Dialogue of
Civilizations’.
30 Qur’an. Chapter Yusuf, Verse 13.
31 Qur’an. Chapter Rum, Verse 22.
32 Huntington, Samuel The Clash of Civilizations: Remaking the New World Order, (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996) p. 19.
33 Said, Edward. ‘The Clash of Arrogance’, a feature story in The Nation. 22 October 2001, p. 23.
34 Ibid., p. 23.
35 Huntington, Samuel P. The Clash of Civilizations: Remaking of World Order, p. 312.
36 Ahmed, Akbar. ‘Ibn Khaldun’s Understanding of Civilizations and the Dilemmas Downloaded by [University of Connecticut] at 18:26 09 January 2017
of Islam and the West Today’, in Middle East Journal, Volume 56 – No.1. Winter
2002, 22.
37 Ibid., 22.
38 http://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/story/2006/10/22/graham.html.
39 Qu’ran. Chapter Al-Maida, Verse 32.
40 Said, Edward. ‘The Clash of Arrogance’, a feature story in The Nation. 22 October 2001.
41 Ahmed, Akbar, ‘Ibn Khaldun’s Understanding of Civilizations and the Dilemmas of Islam and the West Today’, in Middle East Journal, 22.
2
Deconstructing political culture
Introduction
This chapter provides an overview of the ‘serious issues’ involved in under-
standing the concept of political culture. Thereafter, by selecting a few of those
issues for more in-depths analysis, and further evaluating their content, it
assesses their implications. By doing so, this chapter reveals a ‘gap’ that exists in political culture research and provides a context from which this analysis will
proceed. In other words, this chapter evaluates the importance of political culture, defines it, critiques the manner in which political culture research is undertaken
and, thereafter, locates the ‘gap’. Subsequently, it articulates how that ‘gap’
circumvents understanding political culture in Muslim polities. Last, it explains
the necessity of using an alternative methodology for Muslim polities by scruti-
nizing Pakistan. Granted, the scholarly works reviewed contain many differing
approaches for understanding political culture per se. And this chapter describes
those differing approaches and places it in the context of the theories found in
the material overviewed. Of course, there are certain points of convergence
and those are highlighted. Still, they are, as will be evident, largely insufficient in offering an effective explanation of political culture in Muslim polities.
The importance of political culture
The concept of political culture is important because in politics knowledge of
accurately interpreting events is vital. Knowing the mind, and appreciating
the deepest, most intimate values of one another, is truly the first step towards
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understanding differing thought patterns and behaviour. However, this explicitly
implies a comprehension of others on their terms; it means putting aside
personal convictions of what is desirable and looking at the world through a
different set of lenses. 1 Broadly speaking, this is what any form of ‘cultural analysis’ aspires to apprehend – what it is that a society considers significant.
This, then, anchors the conviction that any genuine analysis of political culture
must begin by probing culture itself.
Looking closely, Letwin examines the etymological definition of the word
‘culture’ and reveals its literal meaning: ‘handing down’.2 In her view, culture
Deconstructing political culture
15
constitutes a conception of how things should be done, a manner of under-
standing and dealing with certain matters, a complicated cluster of criteria and
skills. The term ‘culture’ is, then, understood as a proces
s of socialization that is learned and shared, though its precise notions – how it is learned and the extent
to which it is shared – remain matters of contention.3 Nowadays, proponents of an ‘emerging world culture’ argue that growing cultural similarities are more
important than cultural relativity.4 Of course, globalization is diminishing distances between peoples. Yet cultural differences, particularly in regard to orien-
tations to political objects in a society, remain important and often distinct. And
cultural analyses are effective for understanding those distinctions, inexplicable
in scientific or positivist terms. Welch concurs by suggesting that political
culture is, at its core, really dealing with ‘values’ that are operationalized through norms regulating the explicit elements of culture. 5 It includes beliefs, ideas, images, knowledge of what is considered to be true, and basic propositions
regarding what ‘ideals’ should be aspired to in political life.
Clearly speaking, the building blocks of culture are values, which are normal-
ized into traditions – a practice perpetrated without formal acknowledgement of
anyone’s authority to set and maintain those standards. ‘This is why the personal
association of parent-child, teacher-pupil, has been considered essential to the
transmission of a tradition’. 6 In other words, since values and traditions, as constituents of culture, are handed down by teaching and learning, apprenticeship is
its essence. This insight holds significant ramifications for understanding
political culture since political orientations are also ‘handed down’ by a process
of enculturation and socialization. However, what specifically are those political
orientations that will be ‘handed down’ and how is apprenticeship actualized?
To answer that, one needs to closely investigate a culture along with the currents
and crosscurrents that animate its history. It is, precisely, for this reason, that
determining what is important to ‘hand down’ reinforces the importance of
political culture.
Culture is a repository of a people’s values and traditions, including the
political, communicated through a process of apprenticeship. In all, there should
be a harmony between the values, traditions and culture of a people, and its
Islam and Pakistan’s Political Culture Page 5