How Sexual Desire Works- The Enigmatic Urge

by Frederick Toates

  The toxic link to sexual desire

  The path leading to sexual homicide involves (Maniglio, 2010, p. 299): ‘[the] combination between early traumatic experiences, deviant fantasy, and social and/or sexual dysfunction.’ The frequent, if not universal, feature underlying the early motivational development of sexual serial killers appears to be the pairing of (a) negative and/or violent emotions, typically embarrassment, anger or aggression, and (b) emerging sexual arousal (Meloy, personal communication). Sometimes the role of emerging sexual development is only implicit in the association with negative emotion, whereas in other cases, there is an explicit external trigger to sexual arousal that occurs near in time to something traumatic.

  Dennis Rader reported that he was aroused by the sight of chickens being slaughtered. He was beaten by his mother when she discovered that he had masturbated, but he derived sexual arousal from this ‘punishment’ (Wenzl et al., 2008, p. 243). The Chicago serial killer John Wayne Gacy collected items of his mother’s underwear. When this was discovered, he was made to wear such an item and was then beaten by his father. As a child of 10, he was beaten for sexual advances to a girl. Gacy appeared to merge anger at his perceived failure in life with an emerging homosexuality (Sullivan and Maiken, 1983). Another toxic combination is witnessing violence towards a woman, either in reality or in pornography, accompanied by sexual arousal. The age of 6–14 years appears to be one of particular vulnerability to such association formation. Some examples include (Meloy, 2000):

  A boy of 14 years, who committed sexual murder and who, at the age of 5, with his father, had started watching sadomasochistic pornography.

  A boy who was subject to physical abuse from his father, followed by sexual soothing from his mother. He committed sexual homicide at age 21.

  A 7-year-old boy, whose mother teased him in public and in front of her female friends by stroking his penis.

  A career progression

  A number of future sexual murderers were earlier involved in stealing and assault, sometimes marital assault and sexual assault of children in the family, indicative of a failure to acquire normal levels of inhibitory control (O’Brien, 1985). These individuals start with relatively minor sexual deviations and then escalate over time (Britton, 1998). Cruelty to animals and fire-setting, both common features, could serve to reinforce antisocial and aggressive behaviour (Ressler et al., 1992; Schlesinger, 2001; Wenzl et al., 2008). According to FBI investigators, arsonists commonly masturbate as they watch the flames (Douglas and Olshaker, 2006), another example of a powerful and arousing (‘traumatic’) event apparently forming a link with sexual arousal.

  In healthy development, sexual desire and social empathy blend (Britton, 1998). Correspondingly, fantasies involve consensual sex and mutual pleasure. This stands in contrast to deviant sexual development, which misses the link with empathetic development. It could be that many people lack self-esteem and self-confidence sufficient to entertain seriously such consensual fantasies. In some cases, early courting experiences were perceived as failures, leading to resentment. In a small number of such cases, anger emerges and forms a toxic link with sexuality. These individuals’ sexual fantasies involve anger, domination and revenge.

  The role of fantasy

  Fantasy and the link to action

  When still young, violent sexual fantasy is sometimes reported by those who go on to commit sexually linked serial killing (Wenzl et al., 2008). Burgess et al. (1986) assume that (p. 257): ‘these men are motivated to murder by their way of thinking. Over time, their thinking patterns emerged from or were influenced by early life experiences’. Interviewing them revealed (p. 258): ‘long-standing aggressive thoughts and fantasies directed toward sexualized death’. Evidence suggests that rehearsal in fantasy can increase the chances of the content of the fantasy being later enacted (Baumeister et al., 2011) (Chapter 16). If this effect can be observed in a brief laboratory experiment, years of fantasy over a particular sexual theme could be much more potent. To make matters worse, a serial killer will typically feel anger about events in his early life and endless rumination on these will probably serve to strengthen the anger. The fantasy world of serial killers has something of the quality of a hypnotic trance (Carlisle, 1998).

  These individuals’ backgrounds set the scene for the emergence of deviant fantasy, as they are often lacking any trusting reciprocal sexually attractive contact (MacCulloch et al., 1983; Maniglio, 2010; Ressler et al., 1992). Fantasy is a source of stimulation, sometimes being the only retreat from emotional pain, social isolation, feelings of inferiority and inadequacy. Fantasy is a source of control in a life otherwise often bereft of this, exemplified by the use of the most effective, if not the only viable, kind: aggressive fantasy permitting domination of another. In some cases, fantasy seems to represent a re-run of earlier abuse but with a change of roles, from victim to aggressor (Ressler et al., 1992). For some, while still children, fantasy was translated into ‘mini-scenarios’ of ‘acting-out’ that take the form of sexual assaults on other children. As MacCulloch et al. (1983, p. 27) express it, the man ‘controls his inner world and in that way becomes the success he would like to be in the real world’.

  Successful resolution of the story-line of the fantasy could act as a source of relief, a kind of negative reinforcement, an escape from a world of failure, and thereby a coping strategy. In other words, the fantasy is an operant1 which increases in frequency as a result of reinforcement. Fear on the face of the victim in the fantasy and later in reality is a form of control, which could constitute positive reinforcement (MacCulloch et al., 2000). If fantasy mirrors reality, acquisition of control in fantasy would be expected to trigger dopamine release, further strengthening the fantasy and thereby increasing the chances of its enactment in reality. In addition, masturbation in a comfortable and safe environment could serve to weaken the power of any inhibitory factors that are also entertained as part of the fantasy, for instance the prospect of getting caught.

  In a sample of sixteen men convicted of sexual offences, thirteen exhibited a close connection between the content of their repetitive fantasy and what was actually performed in their offence (MacCulloch et al., 1983). Prior to the final offence, part of the sequence was performed as a ‘try-out’, for example stalking a target woman. A number of men reported that they varied the content of their fantasy, increasing the intensity so as to maintain arousal. Try-outs were motivated to maintain the fantasy’s value. Earlier real ‘try-outs’ were incorporated into the story-line of the fantasy and accompanied by masturbation. Fantasy subsequent to the try-out might act to hone the skill and lead to ‘better performance’ next time, since there is always an ultimate ‘high’ to be attained if only they try hard enough. The arousal value might be increased by planning and then taking greater risks (Anderson, 1994). Pornographic materials depicting violence can offer role models of scenes to be incorporated into the line of the fantasy (Anonymous, 1998). Hence, by operant and classical conditioning, orgasm strengthens the salience of the fantasy (Maniglio, 2010). Hickey (2010) argues that: ‘the world of fantasy becomes as addictive as an escape into drugs’.

  Like all addictions, there can be escalation to more and more extreme scenarios (Britton, 1998; Douglas and Olshaker, 2006; Gibb, 2011). Also, when the fantasies lose their arousal value they can subsequently be ‘acted out’ in stalking, cruising, spying and then in actual assaults, presumably with an escalating rush of adrenalin (Britton, 1998; Chan et al., 2010). Interweaving of fantasy and sexually aggressive behaviour is often a graded process starting with relatively harmless activities, such as collecting sexually related items of female clothing and such antisocial but non-sexual acts as assault, arson and burglary, which then escalate. FBI investigators describe Jerry Brudos (Chapter 19), who started with a shoe fetish and systematically refined his fantasies and activities to increase the stimulation level, as a textbook example of escalation (Douglas and Olshaker, 2006).

  Sadistic fantasy in a co
ntrol population

  Alarmingly, a significant percentage of a control population also show a tendency to entertain sadistic fantasy (Gray et al., 2003). MacCulloch et al. (1983) ask – given that a number of so-called normal men have such fantasies, why do so few of them escalate into actual violence? Clearly, additional factors are involved with serial killers, such as repeated reinforcement by masturbation and a weakness in the inhibition on expressing such fantasy. It could be that a developmental exposure to extreme negative emotion is a necessary condition to show actual violence. Conversely, a healthy sex life or at least reciprocal heterosexual contact might exert a protective effect against escalation of deviant fantasy.

  The consequences

  An immediate consequence of killing appears to be relief of tension, a sense of achievement and temporary closure (Ressler et al., 1992), which might be expected to reinforce the action. Masturbation onto the body or an item of the victim’s underwear, as in Dennis Rader (Wenzl et al., 2008), would presumably contribute to the reinforcement. The consequence of engaging in sex-linked killing might be a rush of endorphins in the brain (Anderson, 1994), as occurs with other addictions and harmless ways of boosting emotional state. As one serial killer wrote (Anonymous, 1998, p. 130):

  The acting out of his cherished fantasies, he knows, will elevate him from his intolerable and infuriating psychological low; they will make things ‘all right’ and cause him to feel good about himself. They will ‘prove’ without any shadow of doubt, that he is really somebody.

  So-called ‘signature behaviour’ is sometimes carried out at the time of the kill, such as damage to the body (often sexually linked regions), rather as in leaving a calling-card to label the kill as his handiwork (Schlesinger, 2001) and presumably to help intensify memories later. A number return to the crime scene, indicative that it retains motivational potential. Some use the visit to revive the fantasy and a number engage in sexual activity with the corpse. In one case, a map was labelled with the kill sites and pinned to the killer’s wall (Douglas and Olshaker, 2006). Things of a fetishist nature are commonly taken from the victim, such as an item of underwear or even a body part (Ressler et al., 1992; Sounes, 1995). These are later used as props during masturbation (Gibb, 2011). In some cases, like that of Dennis Rader, when safely back home the killer took photographs of himself dressed in the victim’s clothes (Wenzl et al., 2008).

  Following discovery of a sexually linked killing, Britton (1998) briefed the police (p. 402): ‘You have to remember, this is the most unique, pleasurable and exciting experience of this man’s life and when the urge is strong enough, he’s going to want to do it again.’ The killer will retain vivid memories of his crime and will typically ‘play’ these repeatedly in his conscious mind (Britton, 1998). However, sometimes the killing will not live up to expectations and the ‘ultimate high’ proves elusive (Carlisle, 1998). If the intensity of the replays diminishes, the man will turn to plans for another killing, possibly introducing a novel perverse twist to it in order to increase the intensity and overcome the habituation. The frequency of killings sometimes intensifies over time, apparently also to overcome habituation.

  Serial sexual killers are not necessarily totally lacking in all post-killing remorse, shame or guilt, since some are troubled by these emotions and promise themselves ‘I will never do it again’ (Carlisle, 1998; Holmes, 1998), rather like addicts. However, such emotions involve extrapolation beyond the present and running an emotionally ‘hot’ simulation of the mind of the victim and his or her loved ones. It would seem that any such simulation is no match for the appetitive lure of sexual action. It is perhaps surprising not that serial killers show so little guilt, but rather that they show any. Guilt is thought to build upon disgust (Chapter 12) and these individuals seem to have an abnormal response to the triggers for the most basic disgust at the sight of wounds and blood. Occasionally, as with the Connecticut killer, Michael Ross, they report a feeling of disgust after the killing (Ramsland and McGrain, 2010).

  The bases in the brain

  Head injuries are frequently found in those who go on to commit sexual homicide (Hickey, 2010; Sounes, 1995). A high prevalence of convulsions is also evident, which corresponds to neurological malfunction (MacCulloch et al., 1983). On epilepsy, Krafft-Ebing (1978) noted (p. 313): ‘numerous cases in literature in which epileptics, who, during intervals, present no signs of active sexual impulse, but manifest it in connection with epileptic attacks, or during the time of equivalent or post-epileptic exceptional mental states’. John Wayne Gacy suffered from epileptic seizures (Sullivan and Maiken, 1983). There is the possibility of oxygen starvation to the brain at the time of birth in the case of Paul Bernardo (Pron, 1995).

  The process underlying the formation of toxic associations appears to be one of ‘sensory preconditioning’ (MacCulloch et al., 2000). Sensory preconditioning arises when two events occur simultaneously or at roughly the same time. Following this pairing, presenting one of the events revives a memory of the other and the individual acts on the basis of their joint occurrence. Sensory preconditioning is associated with activation of dopamine at the nucleus accumbens (Young et al., 1998), which would be expected to contribute salience to the association. In this case, sexual arousal would be paired with an aversive emotional state, say, shame, humiliation, physical violence or witnessing representations of violence as in pornography. Hence, subsequently, negative emotion as in fear will evoke sexual arousal. Reciprocally, sexual arousal would trigger an aversive emotional state, leading to a vicious circle.

  In some cases, there is the possibility of a sensitization of an underlying aberrant sexuality by addictive drugs. One example is Russell Williams, who took large amounts of medically prescribed drugs, including prednisone (Gibb, 2011). There are reports of a link to mania, excessive energy and a feeling of invincibility, even hypersexuality, in a few cases, but I would not want to overplay the evidence.

  Who commits serial sexual homicide?

  Personality

  The characteristics that seem most usually to be found among serial killers are narcissistic personality disorder, associated with an excessive need to be admired and a sense of grandiosity and entitlement (Ramsland and McGrain, 2010). Self-centredness and a lack of empathy are also characteristics. The extreme narcissist is likely to experience intense frustration at rejection by a woman. This was probably a contributory factor in the phase of Ted Bundy’s serial killing (Ramsland and McGrain, 2010).

  Heide et al. (2009) suggest that (p. 71):

  the personality development of men who commit these crimes must be arrested. We suspect that they are operating on a more primitive level, one seen in the normal course of development, but typically transcended in the course of late childhood or early adolescence.

  Offenders have failed to acquire normal levels of control by inhibitory factors, such as empathetic mental simulations of the consequences of their actions.

  Not a deficiency correction

  Sexual killers are not necessarily deprived of conventional and consensual sexual outlet by, for example, inadequacies in obtaining normal partners, which argues against non-discharged ‘excess drive’. Indeed, some, such as the Los Angeles ‘Hillside Stranglers’ Kenneth Bianchi and Angelo Buono (O’Brien, 1985), led very rich ‘conventional’ sex lives. The Austrian writer, journalist and serial sex killer, Jack Unterweger, was something of a toast of the town amongst Vienna’s cultural elite, surrounded by adoring and sexually available women (Leake, 2007). The Gloucester couple Fred and Rosemary West (Sounes, 1995) enjoyed an endless supply of consensual sexual variety and the rich sex life of the Canadian couple Paul Bernardo and Karla Homolka was doubtless facilitated by their striking good looks. Rather, we need to seek explanations in terms of the specific lure of escalation beyond the consensual.

  They appear so normal

  [P]eople whose behaviour is in other respects normal can, under the domination of the most unruly of all the instincts, put themselves in the
category of sick persons in the single sphere of sexual life.

  (Freud, 1953, p. 161)

  After the conviction of someone committing sexual violence, neighbours often remark ‘He seemed so normal and pleasant’ (Gibb, 2011). Probably in every aspect of his life that was publically visible, he was indeed normal and pleasant. The fictional story of Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde contains an essential element of truth. Thus, some speak of ‘dissociation and compartmentalization’ (Carlisle, 1998, p. 87), wherein at times a function of the brain switches into a different and pathological mode of control. It is even possible that attempts to suppress this ‘dark side’ increase its strength.

  The Wisconsin killer Ed Gein, who formed the role model for a genre of horror movies, was a trusted and respected babysitter, described in terms no more sinister than ‘a bit eccentric’. In Wichita, Kansas, it would appear that few, if any, suspected the devoted family man and church president Dennis Rader of being the so-called Bind Torture and Kill (BTK) terrorizer of their city. A part-time university student of criminology, his full-time job involved admission to people’s homes to install security systems, equipment doubtless acquired in many cases simply from fear of the BTK killer. On her visit to Canada, Queen Elizabeth would surely have found it hard to believe that Russell Williams, the trusted and highly decorated military hero assigned to be her pilot, was later to be found guilty of rape and sexual homicide (Pron, 1995).