The World War II Chronicles

by William Craig

  Operation Olympic, 44

  Operation Silver Plate, 53–57

  Oppama Airfield, 209, 212

  Osaka, 212, 213

  Peace negotiations, 33–42, 62–64

  and Big Six meeting, 114–20

  and “mokusatsu” speech, 68, 116

  Russia as mediator in, 41–42

  Pearl Harbor, bombing of, xii, 1, 272

  Peking, 220

  Philippines, battle of, 2–4, 272–73

  Physical Review, 48

  Plan I-45 103

  Plutonium bomb. See Atomic bomb; Fat Man

  Port Arthur, 264

  Potsdam Conference, 41, 61–62, 66

  Potsdam Declaration, 66, 114–15, 211, 231

  acceptance of, 121

  and Emperor’s status, 118–19, 121–22, 122–23, 125–26

  Japanese attitude toward, 67–68

  objections to, 115

  Prisoners (U.S.)

  execution of, 141–43, 214–15, 263, 297

  liberation of, 221–28, 233–35, 262–63, 276–84

  rescue plans for, 128, 143–44, 165

  treatment of, 274–75, 283

  Privy Council (Japanese), 105, 111

  Propaganda broadcasts (U.S.), 37–10

  “Pumpkin,” 60

  Radiation sickness, 101, 154

  Rebellion (1936), 137–39

  Rebellion (1945)

  beginnings of, 131–33, 141

  carried out, 181–98

  end of, 198–99, 200

  leaders of, 135–36

  preparation for, 149, 162–64, 174, 179–80

  Russia. See Soviet Union

  Ryukyu Islands, 5; see also Okinawa

  Sagami Bay, 244

  St. Lo, 3, 4

  Saipan, xiii, 4

  San Jacinto, 207

  Sendai, 212

  Shinigawa Hospital, Tokyo, 284, 290

  Shuri Castle, 13

  Sian Prison Camp, Manchuria, 234, 235, 274

  Singapore, xii, 306, 307

  Solomons, xiii

  Soviet Union

  Far-East policy of, 264–65

  and Japanese peace negotiations, 41–42

  and Korea, 265

  Manchuria invaded by, 103, 178

  Manchuria occupied by, 329

  and Neutrality Pact with Japan, 41

  U.S. suspicions of, 125, 126–27

  and war against Japan, 64–65, 73

  Special Attack Corps. See Kamikazes

  Strategy (Japanese), 5, 42–43; see also Kamikazes

  Strategy (U.S.), 44; see also Bombing technique

  Suchow, 267

  Suicide planes. See Kamikazes

  Supreme Council for the Direction of the War, 40, 105; see also Big Six

  Surrender (Japanese)

  announcement of, 203, 206

  ceremony of, 299–305

  Emperor’s advocacy of, 171–73

  Emperor’s speech on, 209–12

  Emperor’s status under, 66, 118–19, 121–22, 122, 125–26

  message of, 121–22, 125–26

  opposition to, 131–33; see also Rebellion (1945)

  Potsdam terms of, 66–67

  reaction to, 263–65

  and U.S. demonstrations, 203–05

  U.S. reply to, 145–46, 150

  Surrender Proclamation (Japanese), 246–47

  Tarawa, xiii

  Thin Man, 57; see also Atomic bomb; Little Boy

  Threadfin, 9

  Tinian, 57, 59–60, 64, 102

  Tokyo

  bombing of, 21–26; see also Meetinghouse plan

  occupation of, 295–97, 313

  Tokyo Bay, 244

  Uneo Park, 252

  USSR. See Soviet Union

  Urakami Valley, 88, 92–94, 210, 330–31; see also Nagasaki

  Uranium bomb. See Atomic bomb; Little Boy

  Uranium Committee, 49

  V-E day, 29

  Wakatsuki Cabinet, 111

  Wana Draw, Okinawa, 10

  War Plan Orange-3, 272–73

  Washington Post, 40, 204

  Weischien Prison Camp, 262

  Wendover Field, Utah, 53, 56

  White Plains, 4

  Yalta Agreement, 62

  Yalta Conference, 30

  Yamamoto plan, xii, 1

  Yamato, xiii, 9–10

  Yank magazine, 320

  Yawata, 85

  Yokahama, 292–93

  Yokosuka Naval Base, 244

  Yoshiwari district, Tokyo, 296

  Enemy at the Gates

  The Battle for Stalingrad

  To my wife Eleanor

  whom I cherish

  Prologue

  When I was a child I discovered an exciting fantasy world in the pages of history books. At seven I marched to the walls of Jerusalem beside the Crusaders; at nine, I memorized Alfred Lord Tennyson’s glorious paean to the immortal men of the Light Brigade as they charged at Balaklava. Two years later, uprooted from familiar surroundings when my family moved to another city, I discovered a kindred spirit in the lonely figure of Napoleon Bonaparte as he languished in exile on Saint Helena Island.

  The bombing of Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, added a new dimension to my interest in historical figures and events. My own relatives were plunged into the global conflict, and I followed their exploits with a daily diary of World War II. As the self-ordained Boswell to the Allied forces I neglected my Latin declensions to record the ominous details about Wake, Guam, Bataan, and Corregidor. On entering the eighth grade in the fall of 1942, I became an amateur cartographer, drawing meticulous maps of places like Guadalcanal and New Guinea—even a city called Stalingrad, deep inside Russia. Because of my passionate interest in Napoleon, because I knew of the rout of his Grand Armée on the vast snow-covered plains of czarist Russia, I quickly developed an interest in the German attempt to conquer the Soviet Union. It occurred to me that the same fate might await the Nazi panzers as they moved resolutely into the heartland of the USSR.

  During October and November of 1942, I spent more and more time away from my studies to read everything I could find about this Soviet city on the edge of Asia. The reports told of fighting in sewers, cellars, office buildings, and I tried desperately to imagine such horrible moments in men’s lives. For a thirteen-year-old boy brought up in a peaceful land, such images were difficult to conjure.

  In February 1943, the German Sixth Army surrendered and our newspapers carried pictures of the astonishing Russian victory. One particular wirephoto of captured Field Marshal Friedrich von Paulus caught my attention. His face was deeply lined; his eyes spoke of nightmares he had witnessed. This once-proud German officer was now a broken man.

  The memory of that picture remained with me over the years.

  During the next quarter century, an avalanche of books spewed forth from both Soviet and German presses about Stalingrad. Some were personal narratives, others historical treatises. The Russians wrote proudly of their incredible victory. Frequently, however, they distorted facts in order to conform to political realities. Stalin’s name disappeared from accounts of the battle; so did those of Khrushchev, Malenkov, and Marshal Georgi Zhukov. Thus the Russian side of the story was shrouded by official secrecy.

  The telling of the story from the German side suffered a different distortion. Few German authors examined the myriad complexities that led to the loss of Sixth Army at Stalingrad, nor could they, since they were denied access to Russian sources. And the memoirs of the German generals who participated in the battle were filled with controversial statements, personal vilification, and censure. Furthermore, the Germans never gave credit to the Red Army for its dogged defense of Stalingrad and brilliant counterattack that defeated what, until then, had been the finest army in the world.

  By now I had become an author and historian and, still captivated by that picture of a beaten Paulus, I embarked on a personal investigation of what had happened at Stalingrad. To be successful in this v
enture, I had to do what no one had done before: study the official records of both the Russian and Axis forces engaged in the conflict, visit the battlefield and walk the ground for which so many men had died, locate survivors of the battle—Russians, Germans, Italians, Rumanians, Hungarians—and get their eyewitness accounts, their diaries, photographs, and letters. It was not an easy task.

  First I met with Ernst von Paulus, the field marshal’s only surviving son, at Viersen in West Germany. Looking strikingly like his father, Ernst spoke for hours about the man who had endured so much: the loss of his entire army, his years of captivity in the Soviet Union, the twilight of a broken life in Dresden, where Paulus spent his last days composing rebuttals to those critics blaming him for the tragedy at Stalingrad.

  Then I went to Stalingrad, the city that had destroyed Paulus’s career and reputation. A casual visitor there finds that Stalingrad is once again an industrial giant in the Soviet Union. Its broad boulevards are rimmed with banks of flowers. Sparkling white apartment houses form miles of comfortable oases in a sea of busy factories and workshops. The city’s inhabitants move energetically along downtown streets. At one intersection, a crowd gathers around a new sedan to admire it; at night, couples stroll the Volga embankment and watch the lights of passing steamers and barges. In so peaceful a setting it is almost impossible to imagine that two nations fought a titanic battle here only thirty years ago.

  Evidence of that cruel struggle is sparse. At a grain elevator, an irregular line of bullet holes can be seen across the concrete face of the silos. On the wall of the bustling Univermag Department Store, a plaque notes that the German Sixth Army surrendered there in 1943. Further north, on Solechnaya Street, a television antenna sprouts up from an apartment house where another sign describes a fifty-eight-day struggle for the building during the fall of 1942. As I stood there reading it, children ran across a grassy courtyard that once had been filled with mines and dead soldiers.

  At the small Volgograd Defense Museum near the main railroad station, justifiably proud officials showed me memorabilia of the conflict: the tattered and bullet-riddled greatcoat of a Red Army officer, hundreds of red-white-and-black flags displaying the swastika that had been taken from famous German units, guns, official orders, captured diaries and letters. On all the walls were brightly painted dioramas of battle scenes.

  But only at Mamaev Hill, rising from the center of the city, can one begin to understand the enormity of what really happened there. As I walked the 336 feet to its summit, I passed through a forest of sculptured tableaus recalling the Russian triumph: a figure of Gen. Vassili Ivanovich Chuikov, the one man who could be termed “the Savior of Stalingrad”; a woman holding tight to a dying boy; men firing their weapons at enemies trying to drive them into the Volga. At the top of Mamaev, I gazed upward in amazement at a 170-foot high statue of “Mother Russia.” A cape flies back from her shoulders, and her right hand brandishes a sword. The face is contorted as she exhorts her countrymen to victory. In a circular rotunda at her feet is a mass grave containing the mortal remains of ten thousand of her sons gathered together from the battlefield; their names have been inscribed on the rotunda’s walls. Funereal music sounds constantly in the stillness. From the middle of a concrete slab covering their resting place, a giant carved arm thrusts defiantly upward. In its clenched fist, a gleaming torch pierces the gloom.

  From a winding ramp, visitors gaze down onto the tomb. No one speaks. The hush of death follows them out into the brilliant sunlight where Stalingrad seethes with renewed life. The trenches have been filled in. Barbed wire has disappeared from the hillside. All the rusted tanks and guns have been removed. Even German grave markers have been pulled from the earth. Almost every physical scar of that terrible war has been erased. But the mental scars remain and, around the world, men and women who were at Stalingrad in 1942 still flinch at the memories of those awful days.

  There is the Stalingrad factory worker whose eyes narrow in hatred as he recalls enemy planes machine-gunning civilians on a crowded Volga pier; a former Soviet officer who speaks haltingly as he describes the terrible cries of his men after they had been ambushed and slaughtered in the fields west of Stalingrad; a Russian émigré in Haifa, Israel, who sobs his grief at the memory of a baby smashed against a wall by drunken German soldiers.

  In an opulently furnished home in Rome, an eminent Italian surgeon shudders as he explains the various stages of cannibalism that occurred in the prison camps of Siberia after the battle ended. His wife listens in horrified fascination as the doctor recalls that the most sophisticated cannibals ignored corpses more than a day old. They preferred the warm blood of freshly killed soldiers.

  A Russian woman, now the wife of a prominent American musician, has only one searing recollection. Eighteen months after the fighting ended, when her refugee train stopped at Stalingrad, the stench of thousands upon thousands of corpses still lying in the rubble made her want to vomit.

  It is the same with the Germans. In a suburb of Hamburg, when a strapping Luftwaffe officer unlocks bitter images of beatings by Soviet prison guards, he suddenly breaks down completely and begs me not to question him further.

  In Cologne, a woman who has been waiting twenty-seven years for the return of her husband, reported missing in action, asks me a question. Her eyes glassy with tears, she says: “Do you think I should go to Stalingrad and look for him?” I think of her unbelievable devotion to the memory of a man long since written off as a casualty by government archivists, and can only shake my head numbly and say: “No, I don’t think it would help.”

  She had known what my answer would be. Smiling bravely, she rose and made tea for the two of us.

  The catalogue of bitter memories increased in scope as I met with hundreds of men and women who survived the holocaust of Stalingrad. I was deeply upset by what they told me, and I had to remind myself time and again that I had to listen to these tales of horror because the stories were vital to a valid reconstruction of the conflict.

  Most appalling was the growing realization, formed by statistics I uncovered, that the battle was the greatest military bloodbath in recorded history. Well over a million men and women died because of Stalingrad, a number far surpassing the previous records of dead at the first battle of the Somme and Verdun in 1916.

  The toll breaks down as follows:

  Conversations with official Russian sources on a not-for-attribution basis (and it must be remembered that the Russians have never officially admitted their losses in World War II) put the loss of Red Army soldiers at Stalingrad at 750,000 killed, wounded, or missing in action.

  The Germans lost almost 400,000 men.

  The Italians lost more than 130,000 men out of their 200,000-man army.

  The Hungarians lost approximately 120,000 men.

  The Rumanians also lost approximately 200,000 men around Stalingrad.

  As for the civilian population of the city, a prewar census listed more than 500,000 people prior to the outbreak of World War II. This number increased as a flood of refugees poured into the city from other areas of Russia that were in danger of being overrun by the Germans. A portion of Stalingrad’s citizens were evacuated prior to the first German attack but 40,000 civilians were known to have died in the first two days of bombing in the city. No one knows how many died on the barricades or in the antitank ditches or in the surrounding steppes. Official records show only one stark fact: after the battle ended, a census found only 1,515 people who had lived in Stalingrad in 1942.

  As these grim statistics emerged, I began asking the survivors the most important questions of all: what was the significance of the battle?

  In 1944, Gen. Charles de Gaulle visited Stalingrad and walked past the still-uncleared wreckage. Later, at a reception in Moscow, a correspondent asked him his impressions of the scene. “Ah, Stalingrad, c’est tout de même un peuple formidable, un très grand peuple,” the Free French leader said. The correspondent agreed. “Ah, oui, les Russes …” de G
aulle interrupted impatiently. “Mais non, je ne parle pas des Russes, je parle des Allemands. Tout de même, avoir poussé jusque là.” (“That they should have come so far.”)

  Anyone with an understanding of military problems must agree with de Gaulle. That the Germans had been able to cross more than a thousand miles of southern Russia to reach the banks of the Volga River was an incredible achievement. That the Russians held them at Stalingrad, when almost every Allied strategist thought the Soviet Union was on the verge of collapse, is equally extraordinary.

  Battered for more than a year by the Nazi juggernaut, most soldiers in the Soviet Army had become convinced the Germans were unbeatable. Thousands of them streamed into enemy lines to ask for succor. Thousands more bolted from the front lines and ran away. In unoccupied Russia, the civilian population fell victim to the same despair. With millions dead or under German control, with food, clothing, and shelter in increasingly short supply, the majority of the Russian people had begun to doubt their leadership and their armies. The surprising victory over the German Sixth Army at Stalingrad changed that negative attitude. Psychologically buoyed by this magnificent triumph against the “Nazi supermen,” both civilians and military braced for the grueling tasks ahead. And though the ultimate destruction of the Third Reich would prove to be a long and costly struggle, the Russians never again doubted they would win. After Stalingrad, they moved resolutely westward, straight to Berlin, and the legacy of their arduous passage into the heartland of Germany remains with us to this day. For the Soviet Union, the path to its present role as a superpower began at the Volga River, where, as Winston Churchill described it, “the hinge of fate had turned.…”

  For the Germans, Stalingrad was the single most traumatic event of the war. Never before had one of their elite armies succumbed in the field. Never before had so many soldiers vanished without trace in the vast wilderness of an alien country. Stalingrad was a mind-paralyzing calamity to a nation that believed it was the master race. A creeping pessimism began to invade the minds of those who had chanted “Sieg Heil! Sieg Heil!” at Hitler’s rallies, and the myth of the Führer’s genius slowly dissolved under the impact of the reality of Stalingrad. In furtive conversations, men once too timid to move against the regime began to make concrete plans to overthrow it. Stalingrad was the beginning of the end for the Third Reich.