Caesar

by Adrian Goldsworthy

  A few of the appointments may have been unsuitable – as we have seen, Caesar is supposed often to have said that he would reward even criminals if they had helped him. A number of the men he appointed to provincial commands were subsequently charged with and condemned for corruption and extortion. One was the future historian Sallust, who had been left behind to govern Africa after Thapsus. In his writing he protested his innocence and it is just possible that he was more naive than corrupt. Another loyal follower with an established reputation for cruelty was refused a province by Caesar, who instead let him have a gift of money. Yet in general Caesar’s new senators were probably little different from other members of the House. Corruption, pettiness, incompetence and many other vices had all in the past been displayed frequently by the scions of many of the oldest and noblest families of Rome. A more serious charge might be that in enlarging the Senate in this way Caesar made it too big to function effectively as a forum for debate. This is certainly possible, but there was so much business to conduct that only a small proportion was actually debated in the House during these last years of Caesar’s life. More often matters were decided by Caesar and his advisors behind closed doors, who then issued a decree as if produced by the Senate, even including an invented list of attendees at the meeting. Cicero was surprised to receive a number of letters from rulers or communities in the provinces thanking him for voting to grant their petitions, since in most cases he had not even heard of them before and had certainly not taken part in any meeting to discuss the matter. So many things needed attention that there was simply not time to deal with them in the proper way, although it is interesting that Caesar ensured that his decisions were presented in the correct traditional form, especially to distant communities who would have no idea that this was a sham. Oppius and Balbus were his two main assistants in such work and both remained outside the Senate during his lifetime. Although the manner in which it was conducted was unprecedented and unconstitutional, it is notable that even his critics did not claim that Caesar and his associates generally did not make good and sensible administrative decisions.12

  Cicero was one of a large number of former Pompeians who had been pardoned by Caesar and now sat in the Senate – at least when it actually met-alongside his partisans. At first he resolved to take no part in debates, devoting his energies to writing instead of public life. Servilia’s son Brutus was another such man, although he chose to be more active and was sent by Caesar to govern Cisalpine Gaul, probably as propraetor although he had not yet held the magistracy. His brother-in-law Cassius also accepted a post as legate around this time. Other Pompeians had ceased to fight, but had not formally surrendered themselves to Caesar for judgement and could not return to Italy without his permission, so waited in exile, hoping that family and friends would be able to persuade him to be lenient. It was rumoured that he took some pleasure in responding slowly in the case of his most vitriolic opponents, feeling that the nervousness this engendered was some small payment for the trouble they had caused him. One of these was Marcus Claudius Marcellus, the consul for 51 BC, who had begun the concerted attack on Caesar’s position and flogged the magistrate from Novum Comum (see p.363). He had not taken much active part in the Civil War that his actions had helped to precipitate, but still refused to write to Caesar directly. Instead his case was raised by Caesar’s father-in-law Piso, backed by Marcellus’ cousin, the consul for 50 BC and the husband of Caesar’s great-niece, as well as the other senators present at the meeting. Caesar granted their request, prompting Cicero to break his silence and launch into a speech of praise for the man who preferred to place the ‘auctoritas of the Senate and the dignity of the Republic before personal wrongs and suspicion’. Not long afterwards he made another speech – this time in the Forum rather than in the Senate-urging the recall of Quintus Ligarius. Plutarch says that before he began Caesar openly declared that Ligarius was an enemy who did not deserve mercy, but that, although his mind was already made up, he would still listen to Cicero for the sheer pleasure of hearing his oratory. In the event the speech moved him to tears and prompted an immediate pardon. Gradually a trickle of Pompeians, some of them very distinguished, returned to Rome and some at least to public life. Marcellus was not amongst them, for he was murdered by one of his household in a domestic dispute before he was able to enjoy his pardon. In addition a growing number of men who had remained neutral were persuaded to take office under Caesar, such as the noted jurist Sergius Sulpicius Rufus, who went out as governor to Greece. Cicero continued to be active publicly and for a while at least was optimistic, advising Caesar to do more to restore the Republic to a proper condition.13

  TIDYING UP

  Caesar’s programme of colonisation removed a significant part of Rome’s population, but he was also very concerned to improve and regulate the living conditions of those who remained. He looked closely at the system for giving out free grain to citizens and judged that it was subject to abuse and badly run. A new calculation of those eligible to receive this was made, based on a survey of the city’s population conducted on a street-by-street basis, and making use of information provided by landlords for those living in their tenements. The overall number of recipients was reduced from 320,000 to 150,000 names. The new figure was fixed and arrangements made for the praetors to add new names when the deaths of recipients created vacancies on the lists. Some of those taken from the list are likely to have found work and a wage in Caesar’s continuing and massive building projects focused around the saepta on the Campus Martius and his new Forum complex. Apart from his lavish shows and games, Caesar also found other ways to benefit Rome and seems likely to have been influenced by what he had seen in Hellenistic cities, most of all Alexandria. He granted citizenship to any doctor or teacher willing to come and work in Rome. In direct emulation of the famous Library at Alexandria, he gave orders for the creation of a similar centre of learning at Rome, placing Terentius Varro, the famous scholar – and former Pompeian commander in Spain – in charge of the task of gathering the works of Latin and Greek literature. Another plan involved the thorough codification of Roman law, but this may not have even begun and was not actually achieved for several centuries.14

  One of Caesar’s most lasting projects was the reorganisation of the calendar, and again this showed Hellenistic influence with the Alexandrian astronomer Sosigenes playing a leading role in the calculations. Rome’s existing calendar consisted of 355 days, was based originally on the lunar cycle and needed constant modification. The college of pontiffs – of which Caesar was the most senior-were charged with adding extra or intercalary months at their discretion in an effort to keep the official year at least vaguely connected to the seasons of the natural year. It was a confusing system and one open to political manipulation, for instance, extending the year of office of an associate. During his time as proconsul of Cilicia, Cicero had been very nervous that someone would do this and thus postpone the date on which he could leave and return to Rome. By the time of the Civil War the calendar was running some three months ahead of the actual seasons. Caesar’s system was far more logical and was intended to function without any need for annual changes. One intercalary month of about three weeks had already been inserted into 46 BC at the end of February. Two more were now added between November and December so that the year eventually consisted of 445 days. This was to allow the new calendar to begin on 1 January 45 BC at what was thought to be the proper time in the solar cycle. The Julian calendar had months that varied in length but added up to a total of 365 days. Every fourth year a single day, rather than an entire month, was added after 23 February. It does not seem to have been given its own number. This system remains in use with the Orthodox churches, but in the sixteenth century it was slightly modified under the auspices of Pope Gregory XIII and this Gregorian calendar is the one followed today. Caesar’s reform was practical and removed confusion and the possibility for political abuse. It also added ten days to the year, each of which was conside
red to be fas or a day on which public business, such as summoning the Senate or the Assemblies, could be conducted. Even so there is some sign that the change – or more accurately the fact that Caesar imposed it – was resented. When someone mentioned to Cicero that the constellation of Lyra was due to rise on the next day, he remarked snidely that obviously it did so in accordance with official command.15

  Caesar was certainly concerned with regulation, much of it well within Roman tradition. In the past many sumptuary laws had been passed with the aim of restricting excessive luxury amongst Rome’s elite. Caesar brought in one of his own, forbidding the use of litters and the wearing of purple clothes or pearls, save by certain named individuals or groups on specific days. Various exotic and expensive foods were banned and men set around the Forum to watch what the shops were selling. There were even stories of soldiers breaking into houses and confiscating forbidden foods from the dinner table. In the long run his law had as little impact as earlier legislation. The purpose behind it was in part political, to deny potential rivals – or at least potentially disruptive politicians-the chance to display their wealth or win support through lavish entertainment. There may also have been a desire that the merchants in the city should devote more effort to providing essential goods rather than the exotic. Even Caesar does not seem to have had much hope that the rules would be obeyed as soon as his back was turned. Perhaps there was also a desire for a return to traditional frugality, so often praised, if rarely emulated, by the Romans, although if this was the case then it was more than a little ironic that it came from Caesar, the noted collector of pearls and fine art. Dio also claims that he wished to encourage the birth rate by offering incentives for families with three or more children. Yet his restrictions were not simply felt by those well enough off to want luxuries. The collegia, the guilds of particular trades or regions of the city that men like Clodius had turned into political gangs, were now banned. The only exceptions to the law were legitimate associations-the synagogue meetings of Rome’s Jewish population were expressly given an exemption. Roman citizens between the ages of twenty and forty were forbidden to spend more than three consecutive years abroad, unless serving as a soldier or in another official capacity. Particular attention was paid to senators’ sons, who were barred from going abroad at all other than on the staff of a governor or with the army. The aim of such laws is unclear, although presumably the restriction on young aristocrats may have been intended to stop them joining armed opponents and so compromising the rest of the family. Other bills were far more practical, dealing with keeping the streets of Rome clean and the administration and infrastructure of the city in good working order. There was a popularis tone to many of Caesar’s measures, but the reforms themselves were not extreme. He tried to improve the lot of many different sections of society and there was a clear effort not to indulge any one group at the expense of others.16

  It was not simply Rome that concerned Caesar. Probably with memories of Spartacus’ rebellion, he passed a law that stipulated that at least one-third of the workforce on the great ranching estates of southern Italy must be free rather than servile labour. It has sometimes been suggested that he laid down a template for the constitutions of the towns or municipia of Italy, although this question is fiercely debated. He may have taken an interest in such things, and it does seem that much of his legislation was intended to apply also in Italy and the provinces. Much of his time during the campaigns fought around the Mediterranean had been spent in settling disputes and confirming or modifying the regulations covering communities and monarchs in the provinces. As we have seen, raising funds was a major concern on such occasions, but he was also eager to leave behind stable and peaceful regions, if only because discontent could readily lead to rebellions that would aid his Roman enemies. Early in his career he had made a name in prosecutions against corrupt provincial governors, and during his first consulship had passed a law regulating the behaviour of these magistrates. As dictator he added further restrictions, one of the most significant of which was to set their term of office at no more than two years for a proconsul and just twelve months for a propraetor. Dio felt that this was intended to prevent anyone else from following his own example, but even critics saw the measure as sensible.17

  THE SPANISH CAMPAIGN, AUTUMN 46 – SPRING 45 BC

  An unwise appointment as governor precipitated the last major episode of the Civil War. Quintus Cassius Longinus had served in Spain as quaestor and was left to govern the Further Spain province after the defeat of Afranius and Petreius. Through a combination of greed and his own unpleasant temperament, he managed to make himself loathed by provincials and his own troops alike. This led to rebellion and mutiny, with many openly declaring their defection to the Pompeians. Cassius survived one assassination attempt, but subsequently decided to flee and was eventually drowned when the ship carrying him and his plunder foundered. Before this Caesar had heard of his misbehaviour and assigned a replacement, but the damage had already been done. Pompey’s sons Cnaeus and Sextus soon arrived in Spain to rally support in this region that had so many connections with their father. After Thapsus, Labienus and other refugees joined them. Caesar at first felt the problem was a minor one and hoped that his legates could deal with the Pompeians without requiring him to go to Spain in person. By the end of November 46 BC he judged that this was not sufficient and set out to take charge. As noted earlier, no senior magistrates had been elected and instead he left Rome in the charge of Lepidus as Master of Horse, aided by eight appointed prefects, although much of the day-to-day decision making was in the hands of Oppius and Balbus. In less than four weeks – Suetonius says twenty-four days, but several other sources say twenty-seven – he reached the theatre of operations in Further Spain. To keep himself occupied he not only conducted his normal business from the carriage, but also composed a poem entitled The Journey (Iter). Cnaeus lacked his father’s talent as a soldier, but he was an extremely determined individual who now found himself at the head of an army consisting of thirteen legions as well as numerous auxiliaries. After Caesar left for Spain there was concern that even after all his victories he might be defeated, for he could muster only eight legions, just two of which-the Fifth Alaudae and the Tenth minus its time-expired men-were considered veteran. Amongst the former Pompeians who had come to terms with Caesar there was also much nervousness, for Cnaeus was known to be an irascible man. In January 45 BC Cassius-the brother-in-law of Brutus and future conspirator-wrote to Cicero and expressed his concern:

  Now to return to matters affecting the Republic, report what’s happening in Spain. I am really worried by this, and would rather stick with the old clement master than have a new and cruel one. You know how fatuous Cnaeus is; you know how he mistakes cruelty for courage, and how he thinks we always mock him. I am afraid he’ll repay our wit with the sword in peasant fashion.18

  An account of the campaign known as the Spanish War was written by one of Caesar’s officers, but is by far the least satisfactory of the books added to his Commentaries. Many of the details of these operations elude us and a brief summary will suffice. When Caesar reached Spain he learned that the enemy had been besieging the town of Ulia for some months, and that this was the only important community in the immediate area that had remained loyal to him. To relieve the pressure on the town, he immediately marched against Corduba, the capital of the province. It was defended by Sextus Pompeius, and his pleas for help soon drew his older brother and the main army away from Ulia. Cnaeus shadowed and harassed Caesar’s army as he settled down to a winter siege of Corduba, but he refused to be drawn into a pitched battle. Conditions were difficult and from the very beginning the campaign was fought with extreme savagery by both sides. Deciding that the city was too strong to take and that no useful purpose was served by staying where he was, Caesar withdrew and instead besieged the smaller town of Ategua. Pompey followed, but still declined to fight a battle. Considerable progress was made in the siegeworks and it soon beca
me clear that a substantial part of the population wished to surrender. Subsequently, the commander of the Pompeian garrison had all those suspected of this brought up to the walls and slaughtered along with their families. Even so Cnaeus was unable to aid them and eventually the garrison surrendered on 19 February 45 BC.Defections of provincial communities to Caesar were now becoming common, as were desertions from the Pompeian legions. Cnaeus responded with executions of suspects. Near the end of the month Caesar’s men captured four enemy scouts and crucified three of them because they were slaves. The remaining man, a legionary, was beheaded as befitted a citizen. As Pompeius retreated Caesar followed, and approached the town of Urso (modern Osuna). The enemy camped near the town of Munda some 6 miles away.19

  On the morning of 17 March, Cnaeus led his men out of camp and deployed in battle order on the ridge outside Munda. Caesar judged that this was the chance to fight the battle that he had desired since the beginning of the campaign and ordered his own army to take positions on the plain in front of the enemy. He expected the Pompeians to come down and fight on level ground, since they were showing every sign of confidence. However, Cnaeus kept his men on the slope, but Caesar decided to attack anyway, in spite of the disadvantage his troops would face. Numbers were probably also against them, although it is doubtful that all thirteen of the Pompeian legions were present in full strength, given losses earlier in the campaign and the need to detach troops as garrisons. Caesar did have significantly more cavalry than the enemy, but the ground was not immediately favourable for its use. Caesar trusted to his luck, ability and the bravery of his troops, who as at Thapsus expressed their frustration at any delay. As usual the Tenth was on the right, the Fifth and Third-possibly the unit that had served him in Gaul and then been taken over by Pompey-on the left flank, with five more legions forming the centre. Caesar gave the order to advance, but the enemy did not match the movement until the last minute when they launched a counter-attack. The fighting was bitter and for a while seemed to be going Cnaeus’ way. At one point some of the Caesareans began to waver and there was a danger that his line might collapse. As at the Sambre years before, Caesar was a match for the crisis and rushed to the spot. He is said to have advanced to within 10 paces of the enemy line. At first he was alone, dodging the missiles or catching them in his shield, but he was then joined by the nearest officers, and finally by the legionaries. The tale is not included in the Spanish War, and doubtless grew in the telling, but gives some indication of the desperate struggle at Munda. According to Plutarch Caesar later said that he had often fought for victory, but that this was the first time he had fought for his very life. The Tenth were the first to break through, punching a hole in the enemy left and exploiting it in spite of their small numbers. Cnaeus ordered Labienus to take a legion and plug the gap, but Caesar’s cavalry were already enveloping the Pompeians’ other flank. As they struggled to meet this crisis the whole army swiftly collapsed into flight. The toughness of the fighting was shown by the fact that Caesar lost around 1,000 men, more than at Pharsalus, and a high proportion from an army that is unlikely to have numbered much more than 25,000 – 30,000. Pompeian casualties are said to have numbered over 33,000, although this was probably an exaggeration. Caesar’s legionaries erected a grisly trophy topped with severed heads outside Munda, which resisted siege for some time. Labienus was killed in the battle. Cnaeus Pompeius was wounded, but escaped only to be caught some weeks later. He was beheaded and the head sent to Caesar. Sextus escaped in command of a small squadron of ships, but for the foreseeable future he was in no position to pose any significant threat. Although a few Pompeians still kept on fighting, the Civil War was effectively over.20