The Carthaginians

by B D Hoyos

  Carthage’s language, civilisation and religion did not disappear. We have seen St Augustine five and a half centuries later reporting that the country folk around Hippo Regius still spoke Punic at home; and when asked who they were, they replied ‘Chanani’ – Kn’nm. The cities and towns of Libya and Numidia for centuries used Punic on the hundreds or thousands of inscriptions in their temples and tombs, public buildings, and artworks. Baal Hammon was Latinised as Saturn, Tanit as Juno Caelestis; and with agriculture growing ever more productive, the cult of Demeter – Ceres in Latin – and Kore flourished as ‘the two Cereres’. Local grandees, even in Africa provincia, kept their Carthaginian names until Augustus’ day, as shown in the patronage inscription of 12 BC linking the governor of the province (the emperor Nero’s grandfather) with 220 pagus Gurzensis near Hadrumetum through the pagus’ magistrates Hamilcar, Bomilcar and Muttunbal.

  Carthage made lasting impact on the ancient Mediterranean, practical, cultural and political. The practical included Mago’s farming encyclopaedia and a range of everyday items and techniques: the mosaic decoration of patterned terracotta pieces called pavimentum Punicum, the plostellum Punicum threshing-cart, pomegranates which the Romans called mala Punica (‘Punic apples’), and the fish-sauce called garum which had helped Carthage grow rich and became an obsession for the Romans. Culturally her influence spread not only through Libya and Numidia but to Sardinia, Sicily and southern Spain, promoting urban life in towns both old and newly-founded.

  Her political impact included creating a system of hegemony over several different lands, few under direct rule from the city (only perhaps her chora was) but still producing the benefits of rule: taxes, regulated or monopolistic trade, centres where citizens could settle, foodstuffs, and military and naval supplies and personnel. Moreover, the Carthaginians evolved a republican political system which in subtlety and openness matched any Greek state, not to mention Rome. They showed that such systems were not a monopoly of those peoples. Their own could attract tempered praise from a serious analyst like Aristotle – as well as a backhanded compliment in Polybius’ suggestion that it had been better (because not so democratic) before Hannibal’s war.

  After 146 bc Romans and Greeks had harsh things to say about the Carthaginians. Plutarch’s is the classic example, anachronistically writing of them two and a half centuries later in the present tense:

  the character of the Carthaginian people … is bitter, sullen, subservient to their magistrates, harsh to their subjects, most abject when afraid, most savage when enraged, stubborn in adhering to its decisions, disagreeable and hard in its attitude towards playfulness and urbanity.

  He contrasts them with the tolerant and lighthearted Athenians of old, naturally ignoring Athenian actions like the savagery at Melos, their judicial murder of Socrates, and their fawning over successive Hellenistic monarchs. Diodorus, Livy and later writers delight in telling of Carthaginian cruelty, treachery and irreligion, even though their own narratives contradict the claims. Livy insists on Hannibal’s viciousness and atheism, just after reporting his boyhood oath on the altar of ‘Jupiter’ and not long before describing how he worshipped at Gades’ temple of Melqart and later dreamt of being divinely guided to Italy. Of course, as Carthage receded into memory while Rome’s devious and harsh behaviour towards her from 150 to 146 caused discomfort to later generations, exaggerations and plain fictions could flourish.

  Such moralising accusations are much less in evidence before 146, when Greeks and Romans from Herodotus to Plautus and Polybius actually knew the Carthaginians. Complaints then were political and military: their endemic bribery for office (noted by Aristotle), reliance on mercenaries (as by Polybius, ignoring the roles of Libyan recruits and often of citizen soldiers), or the supposed menace of Carthage, along with the Campanians, to the Sicilian Greek way of life (thus the author of a 4th-Century essay once ascribed to Plato). Criticisms by one society of how another ran its affairs were common, then as now. In the same centuries Greeks saw great faults in the Persians, not to mention in other Greeks, while the increasingly Greek-influenced Romans grew more and more contemptuous of the Greeks they actually dealt with. Cato the Censor was notorious for this, and at the same time it is worth noting that he ranked Hamilcar Barca alongside three historic Greeks – Themistocles, Pericles, Epaminondas – and the Roman general Manius Curius Dentatus as leaders superior to any king.91

  Carthage was a vigorous cultural crossroads. Beginning as a Phoenician settlement, she soon formed close links with her Libyan neighbours and kept them after making the Libyans her subjects. From the start, too, Carthaginians traded and intermarried with Greeks, perhaps also with Egyptians and other Mediterranean peoples. They added and adapted Libyan, Egyptian and Greek art forms and religious practices to their own, developing a lively civilisation which they then carried to other western lands. The accusation, still sometimes made, that Carthaginian civilisation was a commercially tainted dead-end is essentially an offshoot of the embarrassed, and maybe guilt-ridden, criticisms by Greeks and Romans after 146. By the time they were destroyed as a state and people, the Carthaginians had a growing literature, strong if eclectic artistic and architectural traditions, advanced economic skills, and were kin to almost every other Mediterranean people. Had they and not the Romans become masters of the Mediterranean world, taking in the vast energies of Italy, the far western lands and the Hellenistic world, the civilisation that resulted would have spoken Punic and Greek rather than Latin and Greek, but would certainly have made an equally momentous contribution to history.

  NOTES

  ABBREVIATIONS

  Appian, Lib.

  Appian, Libyca

  Aristotle, Pol.

  Aristotle, Politics

  CIS

  Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum

  DCPP

  Dictionnaire de la civilisation phénicienne et punique

  FGrH

  Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker (F. Jacoby et al., eds.)

  HAAN

  Histoire ancienne de l’Afrique du Nord (Gsell)

  HaP

  Hannibal ad Portas (Peters)

  ILS

  Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae

  KAI

  Kanäanische und Aramäische Inschriften (Donner and Röllig)

  Kl P

  Der Kleine Pauly

  Pliny, NH

  Pliny the Elder, Natural History

  Pol.

  Polybius, Histories

  1. Canaans (Kn’nm): St Augustine, Letter to the Romans 13. Ponim (alternatively Ponnim): Krahmalkov (2000), 11.

  2. Sidon and Tyre: Herodotus 2.45; Strabo 16.2.22–4; Justin 18.3.5; Aubet (2001), 20–1, 29; Markoe (2000), 33. Sidon’s area: Markoe (op. cit.), 68, 199. Tyrian ‘skyscrapers’: Strabo 16.2.23, C757. Old Testament denunciations: Aubet (op. cit.), 119–26, and her Appendix II. Cassiterides: Note 35.

  3. Ithobaal I: Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 8.317, 9.138; Aubet (2001), 46; DCPP 233 s.v. Ittobal 2. Governor or vice-regent (soken) of the ‘New City’ of Citium: Manfredi (2003), 341–2. Tyrian annals, Menander of Ephesus: Josephus, Against Apion 1.116–27. Nora and its stele: Pausanias 10.17.5; Aubet (2001), 207; Lipiski (2004), 234–47.

  4. Philistus on Carthage’s foundation: FGrH 566 F47; cf. Euripides, Trojan Women 220–1. Appian on ‘Zorus’ and ‘Carchedon’: Lib. 1.1. Foundation-date for Utica: Pliny, NH 16.216; Pseudo-Aristotle, De Mirabilium Auscultationibus (Observations of Marvels) 134; Velleius Paterculus, 1.2.1 and 3, gives 1103 bc for Gades. Timaeus’ date for Carthage and Rome: Dionysius, Roman Antiquities 1.74.1. Archaeological evidence: e.g. F. Rakob in Lepelley and Lancel (1990), 31–43; Aubet (2001), 212–26; Docter (2002–3).

  5. Trogus’ foundation story: Justin 18.4.3–6.10. Zakarbaal high priest of ‘Jupiter’: Justin 18.5.2; Virgil Aeneid 1.446 makes him priest of ‘Juno’, which some moderns prefer – e.g. Alvar and Wagner (1985). Earliest houses and animal bones: Docter et al. in Bartolini and Delpino (2005); opposed by M. Bo
tto, ibid., 579–627. ‘Byrsa’: different interpretations by E. Lipiski in Lepelley and Lancel (1990), 126–9; in Itineraria Phoenicia, 481–4; Aubet (2001), 216. Elissa ‘Theiosso’: Timaeus, FGrH 566 F82. Phoenician ’lt: Krahmalkov (2000), 56–7.

  6. Yadomilk’s pendant: Krahmalkov (1981), in DCPP, 394 s.v. Pgmlyn, and in Kaltner and McKenzie (2002), 213–14; illustr. in HaP, 269 no. 4. Bitias: Livy in Servius’ commentary on Aen. 1.738; Krahmalkov (op. cit.), 190–1.

  7. Site and size of early Carthage: Lancel (1995) 41–5; F. Rakob in Vegas (1998), 15–46; Aubet (2001), 218–19; Docter (2002–3), with remarks too on Carthaginian iron-smelting. Water supply: Fantar (1993), 1.138–41.

  8. Carthaginians sent out to Libyan countryside: Aristotle, Pol. 2.1273b; 6.1320b. Libyphoenicians: Diodorus 17.113.3, 20.55.4; Livy 21.22.3; H. Ben Younès in Krings (1995), 820; Manfredi (2003), 397–404.

  9. Bodmilqart son of Istanis: M. H. Fantar in Amadasi Guzzo et al. (2002), 230.

  10. Thucydides 6.2 on Phoenicians and Greeks in Sicily. El-Haouaria quarries: DCPP 149; Lipiski (2004), 372. No obvious Carthaginian presence in hinterland before 400: Lund (1988), 50–4; cf. Greene and Kehoe (1995),.

  11. Full citizens and lesser ones: thus Fantar (1993) 1.177–83. Safot (and others) as freedmen ‘thanks to’ former master: so Huss (1985), 497–8; see below, Note 48. Hannobaal and Esmunhalos: Krahmalkov (2000), 200. Kyrious Karchedonious: Pol. 7.9.5; Huss (1985), 467. Citizens and artisans at New Carthage: Pol. 10.17.6–9; 10.17.15; Gsell, HAAN, 2.227–9.

  12. Associations, communal meals: Aristotle, Pol. 2.1272b; Ameling (1993) 164–8, 180–1. Mzrh: Krahmalkov (2000), 274 (translating mzrh-reference). Marseilles Tariff: text in KAI no. 69; illustration in HaP, 320–1.

  13. Isocrates’ praise, Nicocles 24; at Carthage ‘tyranny’ had given place to aristocracy, Aristotle, Pol. 3.1316a.

  14. Sufetes: Aristotle, Pol. 2.1272b–73a (‘kings’); Plato, Laws 674a–b; Nepos, Hannibal 7.4; Livy 30.7.5, 34.61.15 (sufetes judging cases in 193), cf. 28.37.2 (at Gades, 206); Festus, De Verborum Significatu, 404 s.v. ‘sufes’; Huss (1985), 458–61. Four sufetes: Cato, Fragmenta incerta 32 (ed. Jordan: from Festus, 154); cf. W. Huss, Le Muséon 90 (1977), 427–33.

  15. ‘The 120th year’: Krahmalkov (2000), 478. Manfredi (2003), 379, interprets the inscription as ‘the twentieth year’ – as does Krahmalkov too in Kaltner and McKenzie (2002), 214. W. Huss sees no date at all: (1986), 437–42).

  16. Hamilcar ‘king’ in 480: Herodotus 7.165–7. Hannibal, Himilco and Mago in 409–383: Diodorus 13.43.5, 14.49.1 and 54.5, 15.15.2; below, Chapter VIII.

  17. Abdmilqart and Abd’rš, and two generals: Krahmalkov (2000), 440 s.v. rb VI. Baalay, ibid. Arishat: HaP, 95 no. 4. Pn ‘of the nation of Carthage’: Krahmalkov (2000), 434. ‘Iomilkos’ (Himilco) at Delos: Masson (1979).

  18. Carthage’s senate: Aristotle, Pol. 2.1273a; Carthage ‘democratically ruled’: Pol. 3.1316b. More democratic by Second Punic War: Pol. 6.51.3–8, disapprovingly.

  19. Pentarchies: Aristotle, Pol. 2.1273a (Loeb tr.), 1275b. Board of ten for sacred places and of thirty for taxes: Krahmalkov (2000), 400 s.v. ps (‘the thirty men who are in charge of the payments’); 404 s.v. p‘m 3; 477 s.v. špt II. ‘Accountants’, mhšbm: Huss (1985), 465; Krahmalkov (2000), 277–8.

  20. The rab (rb): Huss (1985), 464–5; Krahmalkov (2000), 439 s.v. rb IV (cf. 440, rb VI). Bribery, money-making, corruption in public life: Aristotle, Pol. 2.1273a–b; 3.1316b; Pol. 6.56.4. More than one office held simultaneously: Aristotle, Pol. 2.1273b.

  21. Generals: Politics 2.1273a. ‘Second’ general: Krahmalkov (2000), 441; also 473 (interpreting hšn’ as ‘second general’).

  22. Court of 104: Pol. 2.1272b–73a; Justin 19.2.5–6 (100 senators).

  23. Citizen assembly: Pol. 2.1273a, and cf. Note 19. Thugga’s voting ‘gates’, ILS 6797; Sznycer (1978), 583–4; Huss (1985), 551.

  24. Lepcis Magna: E. Acquaro (1998), 415. ‘Altars of the Philaeni’: Pol. 3.39.2; Sallust, Jugurtha 79; Strabo, 3.5.5 C171; 17.3.20 C836; Lancel (1995), 93–4.

  25. Ebusus: Diodorus 5.16.2–3; C. Gómez Bellard in Krings (1995), 762–75. ‘All belongs to the Carthaginians’: Pseudo-Scylax, Periplus 111; Lipiski (2004), ch. IX. Tribute of Lepcis c. 193: Livy 34.62.3.

  26. Xenophon on Carthage and Libyans: Memorabilia 2.1.10. Gems from African interior: Strabo 17.3.11 C830, 17.3.19 C835; Pliny, NH 37.92, 95–6, 104; Biffi(1999), 394–5. Mago the waterless traveller: Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 2.44E; Geus (1994), 177–8. Pharusii: Strabo 17.3.7 C828.

  27. Pithecusan and Euboean pottery dating 775–750 at Carthage: Aubet (2001), 218. ‘A puinel from Carthage’ – mi puinel Karthazie ( )elps … na: F. W. von Hase in HaP, 72.

  28. Phocaeans, Herodotus 1.165–6; Colaeus, 4.152. Pyrgi tablets: Lancel (1995), 84–6; Schmitz (1995); D. W. R. Ridgway in Oxford Classical Dictionary, 1282. Close Carthaginian–Etruscan trade links: Aristotle, Pol. 3.1280a (Loeb tr.).

  29. First treaty with Rome: Pol. 3.22.4-–13; Scardigli (1991), 23–46; Huss (1985), 86–92; Ameling (1993), 130-–3, 141-–54; Bringmann (2001), dating it to 348/7.

  30. Carthage in Sardinia: C. Tronchetti in Krings (1995), 712–42; P. Bernardini in HaP, 142–83. Battle of Alalia: Herodotus 1.166; Krings (1998), 93–160. Mago and his sons: Justin 19.1.1–2.1.

  31. Carthaginian ‘conquest’ of Sicily: G. Falsone in Krings (1995), 674–97; A. Spanò Giammellaro in HaP, 184–92. Pentathlus: Diodorus 5.9; Pausanias 10.11.3–4; Krings (1995), 1–32. Dorieus in Sicily: Herodotus 5.43–48, 7.158; Diodorus 4.23.3; Pausanias 3.16.4-–5; Justin 19.1.9 (preposterously replacing Dorieus with Leonidas of Sparta).

  32. Very early pottery from Spain: F. Rakob in Ennabli (1992), 31–33. Carthage’s supposed aid and treachery to Gades: Justin 44.5.2–3.

  33. Carthaginians’ silent trading on Africa’s Atlantic coasts: Herodotus 4.196; cf. Picard (1961), 233.

  34. Hanno’s Periplus: Pliny, NH 2.169; 5.8; 6.199–200; Demerliac and Meirat (1983); Geus (1994), 98–104; Lipiski (2004), 435–76. ‘Gorillas’: Lipiski in Geus and Zimmermann (2001), 79–85; K. Brodersen, ibid., 87–98.

  35. Himilco’s voyage: Pliny, NH 2.169; Avienus, Ora Maritima 117–29, 380–9, 402–15. Cassiterides: Herodotus 3.115; Strabo 3.2.9 C147, 3.5.11 C175–6 (quoted), 3.5.11 C175–6 (ship-captain story); Pliny, NH 4.119, 7.197.

  36. Carthage’s wealth and power: Thucydides 6.34.2; Diodorus 12.83.6; Pol. 18.35.9; Cicero, Republic 2.7.

  37. Penteconters: O. Höckmann in HaP, 101–2. Carthaginian merchant ships: P. Bartoloni in Krings (1995), 282–8; Lancel (1995), 121–5; Höckmann (op. cit.), 96–9. Large-scale imports from Greece, especially Athens: J.-P. Morel in Lepelley and Lancel (1990), 67–99; Lancel in Hackens and Moucharte (1992), 269–81. Olive oil from Acragas: Diodorus 13.81.4–5. Wide-mouthed amphorae: Lancel (1995), 275–6. Tagomago and Marsala wrecks: M. E. Aubet Semmler in HaP, 325–6.

  38. Hanno in Plautus’ Poenulus: lines 930–49 and various interjections between 994 and 1027; S. Faller (2004). Carthaginian cargoes at Rome: Palmer (1997), 31–52.

  39. Greeks at Carthage in 396: Diodorus 14.77.5. Italians there in 149: Appian, Lib. 92.433–4; Zonaras 9.26. Cirta’s Hanno the gugga (hn’ hgg‘ ): Krahmalkov (2000), 135. Nobas son of Axioubos: Rhodes and Osborne (2007) 216–18, no. 43. Aris’ and Mago’s amphorae: Lancel (1995), 275.

  40. Carthage’s chora: Pol. 1.71.1. Citizen population in late 3rd Century: Hoyos (2003), 225. Diodorus quotation: 20.8.3–4 (Loeb tr.); cf. Picard and Picard (1968), 129. Roman loot from chora in 256: Pol. 1.29.7. Wealth of countryside around 150: Appian, Lib. 69.312; Pol. 12.3.1–5 (tr. E. S. Shuckburgh); Strabo 17.3.15 C833; cf. Biffi(1999), 406.

  41. Mago, Hamilcar and Cassius Dionysius: Varro, de Re Rustica 1.1.10, 1.38.1, 2.1.27; Cicero, De Oratore 1.249; Columella, de Agricultura 1.1.13 and 18, 12.4.2; Pliny, NH 17.63, 18.22–3 (Mago translated by order of Roman senate), 18.35, 21.110–12.

  42. Some ordinary Carthaginians (from Krahmalkov (2000)): e.g. Abdmilqart, Ariso an
d Baalyaton, 325; Baalsamor and his son, 476 s.v. š‘r II; Halosbaal, 341; Mago the butcher, 201 s.v. tbh; ‘the craftsmen who made the female statues’, 198–9; Abdeshmun the seal-keeper, 200. ‘New Gate’ inscription: Fantar (1993), 1.114–15; Lancel (1995), 142–4. Hannobaal and Safot: Note 11 above. Hannibal of Miqne: Krahmalkov (op. cit.), 34.

  43. Safot’s and Baalsillek’s stelae: Krahmalkov (2000), 34. Gry the fuller: ibid., 223 s.v. kbs. On the sense of bd see Huss (1985), 497–8; Fantar (1993) 1.183–4; Krahmalkov (2000), 84–5, 98. Inscriptions with š Sdn listed in Huss (1985), 498 n. 26.