Confederate Union

by Alan Sewell

  He placed the first coins over Metropolitan New York City where most of the men in the Regular Army garrisons stationed at the harbor forts and the Brooklyn Navy Yard remained loyal to the Confederate Union. These garrisons, augmented by Mayor Fernando Wood’s New York City Militia, manned the fortified checkpoints on the perimeter around the city. General Joseph Johnston had recently arrived to command the Military District of New York and Northern New Jersey.

  McClellan placed another coin over the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, a couple dozen miles beyond the fortified lines around Metro New York. The Academy was being held by a garrison under Superintendent P.G.T. Beauregard’s command and was being resupplied via the Hudson. The fighting around the academy had inspired Beauregard to design the Confederate Union’s “battle flag” to distinguish his men from the Free Staters who for a time had continued to fly the old United States flag.

  McClellan placed his next coins around Baltimore and Wilmington where militia companies forwarded by the Governors of Delaware, Maryland, and Virginia were collecting. He had assigned that command to General Albert Sydney Johnston, recently arrived from his post in California. Further west, he placed a coin on Wheeling, Virginia to show the garrison of Regular Army men transferred from Pennsylvania’s Carlisle Barracks.

  In Indiana he placed a coin over Franklin, the station on the Louisville, New Albany, and Chicago Railroad just south of Indianapolis where General Harney’s command had fallen back. There General Harney was accumulating Governor Hendricks’ Indiana Militia, which had largely remained loyal to the Confederate Union, and the militia companies being forwarded by Kentucky’s Governor Magoffin. Pending the outcome of the anticipated battle for Indianapolis, Governor Hendricks had removed his Confederate Union government to New Albany, while the Free States had installed their government headed by Oliver P. Morton in South Bend.

  In Central Illinois McClellan placed coins to show the partisans and militiamen accumulating under “Blackjack” Logan’s command around the rail junctions between Vandalia and Charleston. He placed other coins around the red dot of St. Louis to show the location of the 15,000 Missouri militiamen under Sterling Price’s command trying to wrest control of the city from Nathaniel Lyon’s Free State diehards.

  McClellan gave final consideration to the strategic plan he would be explaining to General Lee. Lee had already implemented the first part of McClellan’s plan by stabilizing the front through Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri with training camps, supply lines, and fortifications.

  He was confident that line could hold on the defensive while he followed through with a smashing offensive in the East that would roll up through Philadelphia, merge with the metropolitan New York exclave, then plunge into the Abolitionist heartland of New England. McClellan thought the Free State Rebellion would collapse after the loss of Philadelphia, New York, and New England. If it didn’t he would send Lee back to the West to finish what was left of it.

  At that moment McClellan realized how fortunate he was to be conducting a war to save the Confederate Union with Douglas, Davis, and Lee.

  With Douglas and Davis here to help me in Washington, and with General Lee commanding in the field, we will be able to move rapidly. We will befuddle the enemy and defeat him before he even knows what hit him. We will win this war, as we won the Mexican War of ‘46, with maneuvers so rapid that the enemy will not have time to choose his ground to make a stand. It will be a quick war with few men killed in battle or dying from the diseases that plague armies in static quarters.

  He mused about how differently things might have been if Mr. Lincoln had been elected as the President who would call upon him to quell a Slave State Rebellion.

  Mr. Lincoln is the ‘original gorilla’ in mental capacity. He would become the fool of the Republican Abolitionists. Were I to give him decisive victories he would make himself a Caesar. He would free the slaves by executive decree and then impose military rule over the South. I should have had to move exceedingly slowly in order to keep the howling, cackling mob of Abolitionists at bay. I should have had to give the Slave States time to decide to come back into the Union on their own volition…..

  McClellan was roused from his reverie by a knocking on the door. It was Adjutant General Sam Cooper announcing the arrival of Lee and Davis.

  25

  The War Department, Washington City

  July 15, 1861

  “Here come the warhorses!” exclaimed McClellan. He greeted Lee warmly, thanking him profusely for his success in the West and for keeping the War Department fully apprised of the situation out there.

  McClellan, like Davis, was one of the prickliest egocentric men in the Confederate Union, but he felt only affection and professional camaraderie for Lee. That Lee could win the confidence of such men as McClellan and Davis spoke to a personal character that multiplied the effectiveness of his military command.

  When the greeting formalities were concluded McClellan ushered Lee and Davis over to the map spread over his desk. Davis, seeing the coins that McClellan had stacked all over it, was amused. “You didn’t run out of spare change, did you Mac? I’m sure General Lee wouldn’t mind lending you the buttons on his uniform.”

  Lee laughed. “I can do better than that. I’ll ask my carpenter to whittle Mac up some pieces he can use to mark our formations in detail, every unit from corps strength to regimental. Recovering the Free States will be a big operation, and we might as well get started now in planning it properly at all unit levels.”

  “Thank you so very much, General Lee,” replied McClellan. “Please ask your carpenter to whittle some arrows too, to indicate lines of advance. Also please ask him to paint the pieces in two colors --- blue to indicate our units, and red to indicate the insurgent ones. Showing unit locations with carved pieces is so much clearer than drawing them in on the map.”

  Lee and Davis took a minute to peruse McClellan’s map.

  “Mac has done most of the planning for this operation,” said Davis. “He’ll explain what we’ve been thinking while you were busy in the West.”

  “Thank you, Mr. Vice President, but there’s no need for you to be modest about your contributions. It was a collaborative effort. That’s why it is a sound plan.”

  Lee had to clench his teeth to keep from laughing again. Here were two of the most egotistical military men outdoing each other with praise.

  But this bodes well for the coming campaign. There will be none of the political infighting like we had in the Mexican War between President Polk and Generals Zachary Taylor and Winfield Scott. How can one expect the soldiers to give their lives in battle when their generals are intriguing against each other and the President? Lord knows, we have our share of difficult officers like Joe Johnston and Braxton Bragg, but I do not think they will be allowed to conspire against each other --- not when there is the cooperative leadership at the top by myself, Jefferson Davis, Secretary of War McClellan, and President Douglas.

  On Davis’ cue McClellan began explaining his strategic plans with his unique mixture of enthusiasm and pedagogic authority.

  “General Lee, this will be a war of resource mobilization. We plan to mobilize rapidly, advance into the Free States from directions they do not expect, and occupy their state capitals and important cities before they have time to mobilize against us.”

  He pointed along the line of coins he had stacked along the mid latitude of the country from New York City to Central Illinois.

  “We’ve already redeployed over three hundred state militia companies that had been called up for service in Mexico. Another three hundred will be moving into the line when their training is complete. If the Free States don’t reply to the President’s offer of reunion by tomorrow noon, a general mobilization of national volunteers will begin. Tomorrow will be designated as M-day, the day of mobilization. By M+90 our plan is to have the National Authority restored to all the Free States from Maine to Minnesota.”

  Lee’s face showed a trace of ske
pticism. “That is quite an ambitious schedule, Mac. You know that besides engaging the Free State Insurgents we’ll need to garrison the recovered areas and organize them under military government until civil authority can be restored. We must expect to detach men to guard our lines of communication. And remember, we’ll have about a quarter of our men on sick call until they are inured to camp diseases. Given those considerations, are you certain that ninety days will be sufficient to conclude the campaign?”

  “Yes,” replied McClellan with confidence. He had expected this question and was anxious to lay it to rest. “We have the manpower required for the task. Please bear with me while I explain the numbers, because they are the foundation of the plan.”

  McClellan picked up the notes on his desk and glanced at them as he explained the plan of mobilization.

  “The Confederate Union has within our military frontiers the entire population of the Slave States, which are 8,300,000 Whites plus 3,500,000 slaves. In addition we have 1,500,000 within our lines in Metropolitan New York. We have more or less 400,000 Pennsylvanians within our lines. We have about 400,000 in the counties we occupy in Indiana and about 500,000 in Illinois. There are another 600,000 in California and Oregon but it is not practical to bring any large number east in time to get them into the war. Those who want to volunteer are of course welcome to do so, but they must pay their own fare to come east.”

  McClellan paused to see if Lee wanted to question these numbers. Lee nodded his acceptance.

  “That means we have just over eleven million Whites within our military frontier,” McClellan continued. “Assuming that about 10% are able-bodied men of military age, we may expect to have 300,000 men in the field by M+30 and 500,000 by M+60. We already have on hand at the points I designated about 100,000 men who will be ready to commence operations tomorrow noon if no word of capitulation from the Free States is received by then.”

  Lee again nodded his understanding.

  “Now let us count the resources of our adversaries,” McClellan elaborated. “The Free States excluding California and Oregon have a population of 18,500,000. Inside their military frontier they have about 16,000,000. Lincoln won about 55% of their vote. That means they have a little less than 9,000,000 whose loyalty they can count on. We must occupy their territory before they have time to mobilize their loyal population for military service. Nor can we allow them time to win the loyalty of the population that voted for us. That is why a ninety day campaign is essential.”

  McClellan pointed to the map. “Our first objective will be the recovery of Philadelphia.”

  Lee noted McClellan’s use of the word “recovery” instead of “capture.” President Douglas had gotten across the idea that the Free States were a part of the Confederate Union, not an alien country.

  McClellan pointed to the coins covering Metro New York. “We want the Free Staters to believe that our main attack will come from here. We will open an artillery bombardment to convince them of that. That should draw their men out of Philly and into their lines facing New York. They know they’ll have to fight us as close to New York as possible because a successful attack by us from that direction will sever Philly’s communications with New England, making the city untenable. So look for them to reinforce their lines around New York instead of throwing more men into Philly.”

  McClellan tapped his finger on the coins around Baltimore. “We’ve led the Free Staters to believe there’ll be another axis of advance from Baltimore through Wilmington and into Philadelphia from the southwest. They are fortifying the line of Darby and Cobbs Creek south of town to oppose it.”

  He displayed a boyishly devious grin and waved his finger at Lee.

  “But what Davis and I actually have in mind, pending your concurrence of course, is an advance into Philly from the west, by way of Harrisburg. When we occupy Harrisburg we’ll have the State Capital and control of the Penn Central. The Penn Central will open Philly’s back door. If we can occupy the city before the Free Staters know what hit them, we’ll prevent a costly street-for-street battle like the one in St. Louis that would wear down our army and wreck the city. We’ll capture the Free State militias on the Darby Creek Line from the rear, then wheel north to capture those on the New York City front. What do you think?”

  Lee studied the map. “I think that you are the past master of indirection. This appears to be a carefully considered and very daring, yet practical, plan. How long do you estimate it will take to reach Harrisburg, and from there how long into Philadelphia?”

  McClellan was ebullient. General Lee’s approval enthused him more than his extraordinary self confidence already had. “The movement has already begun. Davis and I took the liberty of ordering an advance guard to occupy the county seat towns of York and Gettysburg, which was accomplished yesterday afternoon. I hope you will take no offense at our precipitate action, but it was not possible to relay the order through you as you have been in transit these last few days.”

  “Oh, that is quite all right,” responded Lee. “You acted as duty required with Douglas incapacitated and myself out of contact. I doubt that any one of us will be able to stay current with events along the entire front from Iowa to New York. It is to be expected that each of us will show initiative to act as circumstances demand.”

  “Thank you, General Lee, for your gracious understanding,” replied Davis. “I don’t need to tell you that most of our generals would throw a hissy fit if the Vice President and Secretary of War issued orders that by-passed their military chain of command.”

  “We can’t afford ‘hissy fits’ when the life of the nation is in danger,” said Lee gravely. “We don’t have even a moment to waste in second-guessing each other. We are all working to restore peace and harmony to our divided country. That must be our exclusive object.”

  McClellan and Davis looked at each other. Each understood this characteristic of Lee’s greatness, which was to give his total consideration to the success of the operation and none to any perceived offenses against his personal prerogatives as General of the Army.

  McClellan resumed his explanation of the plan by pointing at the map. “It’s thirty miles from Gettysburg to Harrisburg. We aim to be in Harrisburg on M+2. We’ll secure the Susquehanna crossing at Wrightsville on M+3, giving us the short route into Philly, which we expect to reach on M+4. With any luck the Free Staters won’t know we’re coming to Philly until our men are detraining in the terminal.”

  “You are certain we have enough men available to hold on to these places after we occupy them?” Lee asked.

  “We have nearly forty thousand armed men in camps around Baltimore with more arriving every day,” McClellan answered with authority.

  “Most of them are ad hoc units formed from partisans, but there are enough Regular Army men and trained militia companies to stiffen them. I’ve got twenty-five hundred men in Gettysburg and another twenty-five hundred in York. I put another five thousand on the trains running up there today. I’ll be moving the same number tomorrow. The rest will be put on the march to Wrightsville. We’ll have ten thousand men to garrison Harrisburg and thirty thousand more to pour into Philly’s back door. While we’re entering Philly from the west, Al Johnston will be threatening it from Wilmington and Joe Johnston from New York. The Free Staters won’t know which way to turn. They may well surrender en masse once we’re in the city. As soon as they do, move your men past the city and up into New Jersey. Attack the Free State men besieging New York from the rear while Joe Johnston pens their front with artillery.”

  Lee was impressed by McClellan’s attention to detail. “You have thought this through thoroughly, I see.”

  McClellan bowed to acknowledge the compliment. “And, while you’re moving on New York, we’ll be organizing a follow-on army in Baltimore to receive the National Army recruits as they mobilize. Al Johnston will command it. At M+30 this army will join yours and Joe Johnston’s forces in the vicinity of New York. If the Free State Insurrection has not cease
d by this time we will commence further operations to close it out. Joe and Al will lead their combined armies into Boston, Providence, and Hartford. At that time we would like you to return to the West and take command of the combined forces of Sterling Price, Blackjack Logan, and William Harney.”

  “Have you considered any specific lines of operation for these forces?”

  “We are thinking that this operation should also be based on deception,” McClellan explained. “Let the Free Staters think that Chicago will be our first objective. That will lead them to continue distributing their forces along the Central Illinois line. But instead of attacking directly toward Chicago, we’re thinking it will make more sense for you to attack due east. Envelop the Free State garrison at Terre Haute. Then move into Indianapolis from its undefended side, same as in Philly. As soon as the Free State lines around the city begin to collapse, Harney’s men will join the attack from the south.”

  McClellan spoke with certainty that the operation would succeed as planned. “After you occupy Indianapolis you will have several options. You may proceed northwest to Lafayette and then backtrack behind the Free State Army and roll it up from the rear. Or you can move east into Columbus and cut off Cincinnati and Dayton. From Columbus you could move into Pittsburgh, which would secure for us the line from St. Louis to Philadelphia. We could then move on Chicago and Cleveland to close out the Rebellion.”

  “I think the soundest strategy will be to suppress the Free State Army in Illinois first,” Lee replied. “With the Insurgent Army removed from the field we will be able to go anywhere we please.”

  “Of course that is your decision as General-in-Chief,” confirmed Jefferson Davis. “Your presence at any point on our line of advance will be sure to inspire confidence, efficiency, and the most complete victory.”