A History of Korea

by Professor Kyung Moon Hwang

  At one time Paekche might have been the most dynamic and powerful of the three kingdoms. It enjoyed the economic advantages of occupying the peninsula’s fertile south-central and southwestern regions, which also provided easier access to China for trade and cultural exchange. Although the mythologies of this kingdom date its founding to the first century BCE by migrants from the north, historical records more soundly place its emergence in the fourth century CE. The early

  Paekche state, however, was driven from its original position around present-day Seoul further southward, and for the last two centuries of its existence until 660, Paekche territory commanded the southwestern portion of the peninsula. There it developed a sophisticated political and economic system, but achieved its most impressive advances in religion and culture. Indeed Buddhism’s paramount position in Paekche civilization appears to have inspired the most outstanding examples of religious artifacts from the ancient era.

  Paekche transmitted many of these cultural advances, including technologies in metallurgy and architecture, to the polities that began forming simultaneously across the strait in the Japanese islands. The archaeological and historical evidence, including from ancient Japanese sources, of consistent, active interaction between the archipelago and the states on the peninsula is overwhelming. So strong were the ties between the early Japanese state and Paekche, in particular, that when Paekche battled Silla in the unification wars, aid arrived from the islands, and after Paekche’s defeat in 660, many of its rulers fled to Japan. These developments reinforced a connection that likely dated back several centuries. But how close was this connection? Did, for example, Paekche rulers contribute to establishing the Japanese royal line, and if so, to what extent? In 2001 the Japanese emperor himself acknowledged the Paekche contributions to his ancestry, which further complicated the historical claims on both sides. But the larger lesson is that there were no such things as Korea and Japan before the seventh century, and that these two countries began as political constructs rather than as primordial civilizations.

  SILLA’S “WINNING” FEATURES

  The modern appropriation of the Hwarang myths served as a capstone to the centuries-long drive to see something spectacular in Silla’s conquest of the other two kingdoms. But it can be argued that these attempts to incorporate the unification struggle into a grand narrative of national unity did a disservice. In Chapter 1 we noted that this traditional perspective faced a backlash from many modern observers, especially those who considered Kogury to have been a truer representative of ancient Korean civilization. A further historical disservice lay in the fact that the glorification of Silla’s unification heroics tended to overshadow other intriguing features of this kingdom. Two overlooked facets of Silla in particular and, by extension, of ancient Korea as a whole, come to mind, both highlighted by their association with Queen Sndk.

  The first theme is the impressive technological and cultural advancement of the ancient societies on the peninsula. We have noted already the Kogury achievements in this regard, and Paekche also demonstrated these advances, particularly in the realms of architecture and metallurgy. Silla, too, reached notable heights, with stunning examples still readily visible today in the “museum without walls,” the city of Kyngju, Silla’s capital. These include enormous and immaculate bronze bells, the pagodas in the showcase Buddhist temple of “Pulguksa,” the intricately crafted stone carvings of ancient spirits and legends that grace the numerous tombs and other artifacts, and the extraordinary “Skkuram” Buddhist grotto that achieved perfection in the unity of art and spirituality. Perhaps the most stunning remnant of ancient Kyngju is the eight-meter high “Chmsngdae” astronomical observatory that visitors encounter literally on the side of the road. This observatory’s precise date of origin is unclear, but all of the historical accounts about it, beginning with the History of the Three Kingdoms, point toward the reign of Queen Sndk. In addition to the historical records, another feature of this observatory also seems to support this perspective: it is comprised of twenty seven layers of stone, and Queen Sndk was the twenty-seventh monarch of Silla. Before dismissing this as a coincidence, one has to consider the precision in the construction of this observatory. The twenty seven layers are divided by a square-shaped entrance mid-way up the structure, which takes up three layers. That leaves twelve layers above and below the entrance, in reference to the twelve months of the lunar year. Even the number of stones is roughly 365, the number of days in the year. Given its role in setting the agricultural calendar, forecasting the weather, and, presumably, predicting natural disasters, astronomy (or astrology) occupied a central place in the economic life of the people and, hence, also in maintaining the aura of legitimacy surrounding ancient monarchs.

  Another notable feature of the observatory’s construction is its shape (see image 2), which is very different from other astronomical observatories in traditional Korea. While one could easily regard this shape as that of a vase, one could also argue that, because it was built during the reign of Queen Sndk and may have even stood as an altar to her, the observatory actually is shaped to resemble a female body. Whether this is true or not, the possibility leads us to the other feature of Silla and ancient Korea evoked by Queen Sndk, and that is the surprisingly high status of females. Textual and archaeological sources point toward practices, such as uxorilocalism, or the custom of the husband living in his bride’s household, suggesting a relatively high standing of females in the ancient kingdoms. The Kogury tomb paintings discussed in Chapter 1 also feature prominent females in a way never seen again in later Korean eras. Perhaps the most convincing sign of high female standing, however, are Silla’s three female monarchs, starting with Sndk, then with her successor, Chindk, and finally Queen Chinsng, who reigned in the late ninth century toward the end of the Unified Silla kingdom. A female ruler of Korea would not reappear thereafter.

  Image 2 The Ch’msngdae Observatory, Kyngju, South Korea. (Author’s photo.)

  There remain competing interpretations about the background of Sndk’s ascent to the throne, which laid the foundation for the other two female monarchs, but the important point is that Sndk was almost certainly much more than a figurehead, and that indeed she elicited fierce pride and loyalty. The legends surrounding her mystical powers, described above, point to this, but a more convincing source is the History of the Three Kingdoms, which notes that, even before her reign, she had proven herself “generous, benevolent, wise, and smart.” This source reveals that, upon ascension to the throne, she undertook a major relief campaign on behalf of frail commoners in the countryside, and later she coordinated efforts to find a solution to the constant barrage of attacks from the other two peninsular kingdoms. The most memorable episode came in 643, when she dispatched a diplomatic mission to the Tang emperor of China, only to be ridiculed for being a female monarch in the first place! The Tang emperor, it is recorded, put forth three proposals in response to the Silla ambassador’s pleas. First, he would attack Liaodong in order to divert the attention of Kogury, China’s longtime nemesis, and carry out a naval campaign on the western coast of the peninsula to preoccupy Paekche. Second, the Tang emperor would provide thousands of Tang uniforms and Tang army flags in order to help Silla soldiers disguise themselves as fearsome Chinese troops. Finally, the emperor would send a Tang prince to serve as the new monarch of Silla, for Silla, according to the emperor, faced constant siege because its enemies were emboldened by Silla’s female monarch. The unsettling implications of this final proposal could not have escaped the Silla ambassador, who is recorded as having simply but respectfully acknowledged the emperor’s proposals. This only invited more scorn from the Tang emperor, who wondered about the fitness of such a man as a diplomatic envoy.

  What is equally remarkable about this historical account is that the twelfth-century compiler of the History of the Three Kingdoms, Kim Pusik, was a Confucian scholar-official who disdained the idea of a female ruler. In addition to other details suggesting that the Ta
ng emperor’s proposals provoked political intrigue among Sndk’s opponents in the Silla elite, the History of the Three Kingdoms’ account of Queen Sndk’s reign concludes with commentary that support the Tang emperor’s proposal: “According to heavenly principles, the yang [male] is hard while the yin [female] is soft; and people know that men are to be revered and women are subordinate. So how could Silla have allowed an old maid to leave her inner sanctum in order to govern the country’s affairs? Silla allowed her to ascend to become the king, and sure enough chaos ensued. How fortunate that the country did not get destroyed!”

  Not only did the country avoid destruction, but it might have been Sndk’s accomplishments, including her patronage of science and technology as well as her savvy in cultivating Sillan statecraft, that saved the kingdom in the face of its imminent demise. That this might even have contributed to Silla’s ultimate triumph on the peninsula is an irony that seems to have escaped Kim Pusik, himself a descendant of the Silla aristocracy, in his Confucian critique. But these tantalizing signs of Sndk’s prowess, however scarce the reliable historical details, have worked in a way that reverses the traditional historical perspective. Today Queen Sndk, like the Silla unification, Kim Yusin, and other venerable relics of ancient Korea, is being reevaluated and freely appropriated by Koreans in reconsidering their identity and heritage. In reimaginings reflected in popular culture, Queen Sndk today often serves as a paragon of female virtue, a great symbol of a time when Korea, unsullied by Chinese and other external influences, stayed true to itself and held (some) women in high esteem.

  3

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  The Unified Silla Kingdom

  CHRONOLOGY

  668 Beginning of the Unified Silla kingdom

  828 Appointment of Chang Pogo as head of Ch’nghaejin Fortress

  836 Kim Ujing, a prince in the Silla Court, gains protection from Chang

  838 With Chang’s assistance, Kim Ujing ascends to Silla throne

  845 Chang’s attempt to arrange a marriage between his daughter and the Silla king

  846 Assassination of Chang Pogo

  857 Birth of Ch’oe Ch’iwn

  869 Beginning of Ch’oe’s study in Tang dynasty China

  885 Ch’oe’s return to Silla

  THE ASSASSINATION OF CHANG POGO, 846

  The mid-ninth century witnessed the peak of the powers of Chang Pogo, the local strongman of the southwestern coast of Silla who dominated the profitable trading networks that linked the peninsula to Japan and China. But despite Chang’s tremendous economic and military authority, a wily assassin was able to penetrate the defenses surrounding him and end an ongoing struggle between Chang and the central elites of the Unified Silla kingdom. Chang’s death at the hands of this assassin demonstrated that, for all his powers, he could not evade the intrigues of court politics 200 miles away in the Silla capital of Kyngju—indeed, Chang had willfully engaged in them, even going so far as to arrange a marriage between his daughter and a Silla monarch. When this effort turned powerful aristocrats against him, he met his fate.

  As it turned out, Chang’s demise would mark the beginning of the end of the Unified Silla era. This appears fitting, for Chang’s successes

  and travails also symbolized key facets of Silla society, from his social background and his growth as a local warlord to his activities beyond the Korean peninsula. That Chang would go down in historical lore primarily as the man most responsible for Korea’s brief standing at the heart of the northeast Asian trading system points also to the revival of interest in him in contemporary times, when (South) Korea is seeking to reinvigorate its regional standing. This interest in Chang’s exploits from 1200 years ago harkens back to an era, swathed in mythical overtones, when Korea lay in the center of northeast Asia.

  CHANG POGO, CH’OE CH’IWN, AND UNIFIED SILLA SOCIETY

  The scattered sources of information regarding Chang Pogo’s early life hardly suggest a future as a historically important figure. He appears to have made his way to the Shandong Peninsula in China as a young man, where he became a local military officer and later gained experience in seafaring and trading activities as a member of the Silla expatriate community. He is also credited with establishing a Buddhist temple for the Sillans, Pphwawn, which served also as a kind of consulate, a base for not only religious worship and ceremonies but economic and diplomatic activities. Chang’s return to his homeland is the next entrance in his sketchy biography. However, it is uncertain whether he was driven by a determination to thwart the pirates who regularly plied the shores of Korea, snatching Korean captives to sell as slaves in China, or if he became conscious of this issue upon his return. In any case in 828 Chang was able to convince the Silla government to put him in charge of a large naval fortress off the peninsula’s southwest coast near the island of Wando. This fort became known as “Ch’nghaejin,” or Ch’nghae Fortress, and it boasted a 10,000-man garrison. From this base, Chang not only put a stop to the pirates, but he applied his Shandong formula of combining military with economic pursuits to establish himself as the dominant figure in the tri-lateral maritime trade between Korea, Japan, and China.

  Chang soon became enmeshed in the politics of the Silla central court, if not by his own initiative, then certainly because his prominence made him a ready target for those court figures looking for support. In 836, Kim Ujing, loser in the latest battle over royal succession, made his way across the southern coast and pleaded for Chang’s protection, and within two years Chang found himself raising a private military force to battle the court’s army on Kim’s behalf. When victory allowed Kim to ascend the throne, he showered Chang with gifts and the greatly elevated title of Grand General of Ch’nghae. Chang, flush with success in his interventions in capital politics, maneuvered in 845 to marry off his daughter as the monarch’s second queen (which might have been a condition for helping Kim Ujing in the first place). This appears to have gone too far, for the aristocratic elite in Kyngju, apparently aghast at Chang’s brazen move to insert himself into royal politics, sent the assassin, Ymjang, to finish off Chang in 846.

  While there is no explicit evidence, the common perception among historians is that resistance to Chang’s involvement in the highest circles of politics and society likely had something to do with his social status. This in turn leads us to consider the Silla social hierarchy as well as why Chang might have faced difficulties. For Silla deployed an early form of the stout social status system that came to characterize premodern Korea as a whole. Known commonly as the “bone rank” (kolp’um) system, the Silla method assigned a “bone rank” to people, based on their parentage, that determined their social status and, in turn, their spheres and manner of social interaction, marriage possibilities, tax and service obligations, and eligibility for bureaucratic office (or even royalty).

  Especially striking are the interesting correspondence between economic activity and social status, on the one hand, and the limitations of economic activity in generating social mobility, on the other. For social status, as it would be throughout the premodern era in Korea, was first and foremost determined by birth. One’s occupation or primary economic activity also flowed from one’s birth status. Although the evidence is sketchy, there likely was a substantial group of people born into servitude. Above them were the majority of the population, the commoners, most of whom were engaged in agriculture, while some earned their livelihoods through artisanal crafts, fishing and hunting, or trade. The category of “merchants” in reference to the latter group included those whose scope of trading activity ranged from inter-village exchange to international trade, as was the case with Chang Pogo. Like Chang, merchants could amass wealth and in turn sociopolitical prestige, but this wealth ultimately could not gain entry into the highest “bone ranks” occupied by people who lived off the masses through rent and bound labor, or through government office. In the Silla system, even those eligible to live off the taxes collected by the state were distributed into an intricate
hierarchy, again according to birth.

  By the time of the Unified Silla kingdom, the original highest rank of Hallowed Bone had dissipated, and the monarchy and top officials came from the True Bone ranks. Those in Head Rank Six to Head Rank Four (presumably the head ranks reached down all the way to one) comprised the hereditary elites and could attain government office, but they encountered limitations in gaining the highest posts. Chang appears not to have fit into any of these upper head ranks, and so his attempts to ingratiate himself into the governing order likely generated gasps of shock at such a violation of social norms. He was, in other words, a prime example of both the flexibility and rigidity of the Silla social hierarchy—able to rise to prominence as a local strongman engaged in maritime commerce, but unable to overcome the barriers to social and political power at the center.

  Probably the best known example of the constraints to talent imposed by the Silla social hierarchy was Ch’oe Ch’iwn, the most prominent intellectual figure of the era and archetype of the Confucian scholar-official in traditional Korea. Ch’oe, born into Head Rank Six a decade after Chang Pogo’s death, traveled to China to study at the age of twelve, likely following the example of many precocious Sillans of the age. Ch’oe’s talents, however, were exceptional. He passed the Tang civil service examination, a remarkable feat on its own, and before he turned twenty had already achieved renown, particularly as the scribe and advisor to the Tang official in charge of putting down a major rebellion.