41. Robert Savage, Seán Lemass (Dublin, 1990), 40.
42. Irish Press, 12 September 1963.
43. Letter from Seán Lemass to all cabinet ministers, 10 September 1963, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, S1627 E/63.
44. ‘Suggested Civil Service Level Discussions with Six-County Representatives’, 28 September 1963, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, S1627 E/63.
45. Irish Times, 17 October 1963.
46. Irish Press, 18 October 1963.
47. See his 1962 speech to Ard-Fheis: ‘I am convinced that British action in expanding freedom throughout Africa and Asia will eventually have its effect in bringing partition to an end.’ ‘Government Policy on Partition’, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, S9361 K/62.
48. Patterson, 150
49. ‘Suggested Civil Service Level Discussions with Six-County Representatives’, 28 September 1963, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, S1627 E/63.
50. Irish Times, 2 November 1967.
51. Horgan, 267.
52. 5 July 1967, NAD, Department of External Affairs, 305/14/360.
53. Horgan, 267.
54. ibid., 197.
55. Erskine Childers to Seán Lemass, 1 March 1961, NAD, Department of External Affairs, 305/14/360.
56. Comments by B. Gallagher on proposed discrimination pamphlet, 12 August 1964, NAD, Department of External Affairs, 305/14/303.
57. Memorandum by B. Gallagher, 6 July 1967, NAD, Department of External Affairs, 305/14/360.
58. Horgan, 298.
59. Allen, 123.
60. Aidan Kelly and Teresa Brannick, ‘The Changing Contours of Irish Strike Patterns 1960–1984’, Irish Business and Administrative Research, 8, 1, 1986, 84.
61. Allen, 127–33.
62. Kieran Allen's analysis is a good example of this approach: see p. 123 of Fianna Fáil and Irish Labour.
63. Michael Gallagher, The Irish Labour Party in Transition: 1957–1982 (Dublin, 1982), 4.
64. Emmet O'Connor, A Labour History of Ireland: 1824–1960 (Dublin, 1992), 172.
65. Gallagher, The Irish Labour Party in Transition, Appendices 1 and 2.
66. ibid., 42.
67. Conor Cruise O'Brien, Memoir: My Life and Themes (Dublin, 1998), 317.
68. Figures from Mair, 117, 120, Appendix 3.
69. Gallagher, 87.
70. ibid., 89.
71. ibid., 95.
72. Conor Cruise O'Brien, 321.
73. James Wickham, ‘The Politics of Dependent Capitalism: International Capital and the Nation State’, in Austen Morgan and Bob Purdie (eds.), Ireland: Divided Nation Divided Class (London, 1982), 62.
74. J. H. Whyte, Church and State in Modern Ireland 1923–1979 (Dublin, 1984), 195.
75. Tom Garvin, ‘Patriots and Republicans: An Irish Evolution’, in William Crotty and David E. Schmitt (eds.), Ireland and the Politics of Change (London, 1998), 150.
76. Christopher Whelan, ‘Class and Social Mobility’, in Kieran Kennedy (ed.), Ireland in Transition (Dublin, 1986), 85.
77. Garvin, 152.
78. John Cooney, John Charles McQuaid: Ruler of Catholic Ireland (Dublin, 1999), 338–9, 358.
79. John Sheehan, ‘Education and Society in Ireland 1945–1970’, in J. J. Lee (ed.), Ireland 1945–1970 (Dublin, 1979), 62.
80. The figures for the North are from The Ulster Year Book 1947 (Belfast, 1947), 76, and The Ulster Year Book 1963–1964 (Belfast, 1964), 213, and Sheehan, 65.
81. Whyte, 343–6
82. Robert J. Savage, Irish Television: The Political and Social Origins (Cork, 1996), 46.
83. J.J. Lee, ‘Continuity and Change in Ireland 1945–1970’, in J.J. Lee (ed.), Ireland 1945–1970 (Dublin, 1979), 172.
84. Bew and Patterson, 168.
85. Maurice Manning, James Dillon: A Biography (Dublin, 1999), 380.
86. James Downey, Lenihan: His Life and Loyalties (Dublin, 1998), 55.
87. T. Ryle Dwyer, Charlie (Dublin, 1987), 8–9.
88. ‘The Berry Papers: The Secret Memoirs of the Man Who was the Country's Most Important Civil Servant’, Magill, June 1980, 48.
89. Feargal Tobin, The Best of Decades: Ireland in the 1960s (Dublin, 1996), 159–60.
90. Horgan, 333–6.
91. Irish Times, 4 November 1966.
92. ‘GAA Salutes Lynch's Unique Sporting Record’, Irish Times, 21 October 1999.
93. Horgan, 330.
94. Ryle Dwyer, 67.
95. Irish Times, 3 October 1968.
96. Irish Times, 6 December 1968.
97. Cornelius O'Leary, Irish Elections 1918–1977 (Dublin, 1979), 68.
98. Geoghegan-Quinn, ‘Lynch: Gentle Leader with a Core of Tempered Steel’, Irish Times, 23 October 1999.
99. ‘Government Information Bureau – Future Activities in Relation to the 6 Counties’, 25 January 1969, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, 2000/6/497.
100. John Bowman, De Valera and the Ulster Question (Oxford, 1982), 324.
101. Ronan Fanning, ‘Playing It Cool: The Response of the British and Irish Governments to the Crisis in Northern Ireland 1968–1969’, Irish Studies in International Affairs, 12, 2001, 68.
102. Horgan, 342.
103. Ronan Fanning, ‘Living in Those Troubled Times’, Sunday Independent, 2 January 2000.
104. Ronan Fanning, ‘Bank Chief was Architect of Government's NI Policy’, Sunday Independent, 16 January 2000.
105. The address is printed in full in the inquiry of Lord Scarman, ‘Violence and Civil Disturbances in Northern Ireland in 1969’, Report of a Tribunal of Inquiry, HMSO Belfast, Cmnd. 556, 1972, Vol. 2, 43–4.
106. Recommendation of the Planning Board, SITREPS-OPSFILE 4,13 October 1969, SCS 29, Irish Military Archives, Cathal Brugha Barracks, Dublin.
107. ibid.
108. The Berry Papers: The Secret Memoirs of the Man Who was the Country's Most Important Civil Servant’, Magill, June 1980, 48.
109. See his speech to the London Irish Club banquet: ‘the prosperity of these islands as a region is indivisible’, Irish Times, 18 March 1965.
110. Rachel Donnelly, ‘Haughey Seen as “Shrewd and Ruthless”’, Irish Times, 1, 3 January 2000.
111. Ryle Dwyer, 3.
112. The comment was made in an interview for RTE's epic history of the Irish state, Seven Ages, Sunday Tribune, 26 March 2000.
113. Horgan, 335.
114. Denis Coghlan, ‘Lack of Political Direction on North Ended in Arms Trial’, Irish Times, 10 January 2000.
115. Details of the men and of the expanded activity of the Irish state in Northern Ireland can be found in ‘Government Information Bureau – Special Section Arising out of Distress in 6 Counties’, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, 2000/6/497.
116. Michael Kennedy, Division and Consensus: The Politics of Cross-border Relations in Ireland 1925–1969 (Dublin, 2000), 346.
117. James Kelly, The Thimble Riggers: The Dublin Arms Trial of 1970 (Dublin, 1999), 12.
118. The report is quoted in Justin O'Brien, The Arms Trial (Dublin, 2000), 58.
119. Kelly, 95.
120. ‘Situation in Northern Ireland’, in ‘Summary of Events 13 August 1969–1 May 1970’, SCS 18/1, Irish Military Archives, Cathal Brugha Barracks, Dublin.
121. O'Brien, 69.
122. ‘Efforts Made by Colonel Delaney to Have Captain J.J. Kelly Transferred from the Intelligence Service’, SITREPS-OPSFILE 4, Military Intelligence File 50.
123. Quoted in O'Brien, The Arms Trial, 222.
124. Bruce Arnold, What Kind of Country? Modern Irish Politics 1968–1983 (London, 1984), 78.
125. Ryle Dwyer, 88.
126. Ronan Fanning, ‘Bank Chief was Architect of Government's NI Policy’, Sunday Independent, 16 January 2000.
127. Arnold, 46–7.
128. Memorandum ‘Policy in Relation to Northern Ireland’, 28 November 1969, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, 2000/6/658.
129. Report of a discussion on the Northern Ireland situation between the Min
ister for External Affairs and the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, George Thompson, at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 20 February 1970, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 2000/14/185.
130. Report on the Six Counties by Eamonn Gallagher, 7 April 1970, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, 2000/14/185.
131. Arnold, 89–90.
132. Address to Ard-Fheis, 17 January 1970, in ‘Partition: Government Policy’, 29/12/69–2¾/70, NAD, Department of the Taoiseach, 2000/6/151.
133. Paddy Doherty, Paddy Bogside (Cork, 2001), 224.
7 Terence O'Neill and the Crisis of the Unionist State
1. Irish Times, 12 October 1959.
2. ‘Changes in Unionist Thinking’, Irish Times, 3 November 1959.
3. ‘Will Nationalists Ever Join Unionists?’, Northern Whig, 2 November 1959.
4. Lord Brookeborough, ‘Diaries’ 4 November 1959, PRONI, Brookeborough Papers, D3004/D/45.
5. Belfast Telegraph, 10 November 1959.
6. Lord Brookeborough, 4 November 1959, PRONI, Brookeborough Papers, D3004/D/45.
7. Ed Moloney and Andy Pollak, Paisley (Dublin, 1986), 82.
8. Denis P. Barritt and Charles F. Carter, The Northern Ireland Problem: A Study in Group Relations (Oxford, 1962), 93.
9. Although the RUC Special Branch kept National Unity under close observation, it had to report that it had no subversive intent: ‘Report on National Unity Organization’ by D. I. Fanin for Inspector-General of the RUC, 21 January 1960, PRONI, Ministry of Home Affairs, HA/32/1/1361.
10. Barritt and Carter, 76. Gerry Adams, who would have been twelve in 1960, records that people from Catholic West Belfast shopped on the Protestant heartland of the Shankill Road for bargains and that his new racing bike was bought there. He also relates that the early sexual experiences of himself and his friends from the Catholic Ballymurphy estate were with Protestant girls from neighbouring estates. Gerry Adams, Before the Dawn: An Autobiography (London, 1996), 47, 49.
11. ‘Belfast Letter’, Irish Times, 16 January 1960.
12. See the discussion of the 1962 Stormont election in PRONI, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/16/13/61.
13. W A. Maguire, Belfast (Keele, 1993), 169. As early as the 1953 election an analysis of loss of support in Belfast by Glengall Street refers to this factor. See ‘Observations on the 1953 election’, in PRONI, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/16/3/51.
14. See Robert J. Savage, Irish Television: The Political and Social Origins (Cork, 1996), 434–45, and Rex Cathcart, The Most Contrary Region: The BBC in Northern Ireland 1924–1984 (Belfast, 1984).
15. Cathcart, 146.
16. John Boyd, The Middle of My Journey (Belfast, 1990), 163–7.
17. He persuaded his colleagues in the cabinet's publicity committee to have an analysis made of the content of questions asked on Your Questions and of the political complexion of the panel: Minutes of Cabinet Publicity Committee, 8 March 1961, in PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4A/26/103.
18. Cathcart, 190–3.
19. Barritt and Carter, 61.
20. Belfast Newsletter, 2 June 1962.
21. David Bleakley, Faulkner: Conflict and Consent in Irish Politics (London, 1974), 26.
22. Michael Farrell, Northern Ireland: The Orange State (London, 1976), 208.
23. This was how Sayers saw him: Andrew Gailey, Crying in the Wilderness. Jack Sayers: A Liberal Editor in Ulster 1939–1969 (Belfast, 1995), 51.
24. Farrell, 222.
25. Irish Times, 7 November 1959.
26. At a cabinet meeting on 2 November 1960 a request by the President of the Association, the prominent Ulster linen industrialist Sir Graham Larmour, that its annual meeting pay its respects to the Governor, the monarch's representative in Northern Ireland, was considered and rejected after Faulkner claimed that both Larmour and the Association favoured a united Ireland. PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1143.
27. Letter from Connolly Gage to Jack Sayers, 16 September 1963. Gailey, 90.
28. Marc Mulholland, Northern Ireland at the Crossroads: Ulster Unionism in the O'Neill Years (London, 2000), 25.
29. Thus at the height of the Dominion Status controversy he wrote to the Prime Minister criticizing the way some ministers were dealing with grass-roots concerns. Letter from O'Neill to Sir Basil Brooke, 23 November 1947, and Brooke's positive response, 26 November 1947: ‘Relations with Labour Government (Dominion Status)’, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 9J/53/2.
30. Ken Bloomfield, Stormont in Crisis: A Memoir (Belfast, 1994), 27.
31. ibid., 26–89.
32. Gavan McCrone, Regional Policy in Britain (London, 1969), 120.
33. Government of Northern Ireland, Belfast Regional Plan, Cmnd. 451 (Belfast, 1963).
34. Belfast Newsletter, 6 April 1963.
35. ibid.
36. Interview with Mervyn Pauley, Belfast Newsletter, 12 January 1965.
37. Economic Development in Northern Ireland, Cmnd. 479 (Belfast, 1964).
38. ibid., para. 14.
39. The key role of Derry Unionists in sabotaging the city's bid for the university was first publicly stated by the maverick Unionist MP for North Down, Robert Nixon, and set out fully in an article by Ralph Bossence in the Belfast Newsletter, 19 February 1965.
40. Gerard O'Brien, ‘“Our Magee Problem”: Stormont and the Second University’, in G. O'Brien and W. Nolan (eds.), Derry and Londonderry: History and Society (Dublin, 1999), 681–2.
41. Belfast Newsletter, 14 August 1964.
42. ibid., 23, 24 July 1964.
43. The Autobiography of Terence O'Neill (London, 1972), 61.
44. Belfast Newsletter, 5 March 1965.
45. ibid., 21 January 1965.
46. A point made by the right-wing Unionist MP for Shankill, Desmond Boal, in the Stormont debate on the summit, Belfast Newsletter, 4 February 1965.
47. Belfast Newsletter, 15 January 1965.
48. Within a few weeks of the meeting Lemass made a speech offering unionists a ‘realistic’ recognition of the continued existence of a Northern government and parliament in a united Ireland and praised Labour's Foreign Secretary for declaring that the British government had no longer any desire to intervene in Ireland. Belfast Newsletter, 27 January 1965.
49. His chief critic was the iconoclastic former minister Edmond Warnock, who issued a statement criticizing O'Neill ‘for doing within a couple of months what all our enemies failed to achieve in 40 years. He has thrown the whole Ulster question back into the political arena.’ Belfast Newsletter, 6 April 1965.
50. The Autobiography of Terence O'Neill, 47.
51. J. A. V. Graham, ‘The Consensus Forming Strategy of the NILP’, M.Sc. thesis, Queen's University (Belfast, 1972), 183.
52. Round Table, 216, March 1964.
53. Belfast Telegraph, 3 April 1964.
54. Mulholland, 63–4.
55. The quotation is from a Guardian article by Charles Brett that is included in a British Labour Party Research Department document prepared for discussions between the Wilson government and an NILP delegation: PRONI, HO 5/186.
56. Barritt and Carter, 57.
57. The claim that was made by Brett in his Guardian piece: ‘Today there are very many respectable Catholics including professions men, members of the business community and trade union officials who are both qualified and willing to serve… lists of suitable names have been submitted to the authorities and even to the Cabinet Secretariat, without result.’
58. Belfast Newsletter, 15 March 1965.
59. ibid.
60. Bob Purdie, Politics in the Streets: The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland (Belfast, 1990), 82–102.
61. John Whyte, ‘How Much Discrimination Was There under the Unionist Regime 1921–1968?’, in Tom Gallagher and James O'Connell (eds.), Contemporary Irish Studies (Manchester, 1983), 30–31.
62. Purdie, 83.
63. Graham Gudgin, ‘Discrimination in Housing and Employment under the Storm
ont Administration’, in P. Roche and B. Barton (eds.) The Northern Ireland Question: Nationalism, Unionism and Partition (Hampshire, 1999), 103.
64. The system was described in the Campaign for Social Justice's pamphlet, Northern Ireland: The Plain Truth, second edition, 1969. The town was divided into three wards, each of which returned seven councillors. East Ward: 1,729 electors, comprising 543 Catholics and 1,186 Protestants; seven Unionist councillors. West Ward: 1,031 electors, comprising 844 Catholics and 187 Protestants; seven Nationalist councillors. Central Ward: 659 electors, comprising 143 Catholics and 516 Protestants; seven Unionist councillors.
65. Northern Ireland: The Plain Truth, 27.
66. Brendan Lynn, Holding the Ground: The Nationalist Party in Northern Ireland 1945–1972 (Aldershot, 1997), 165.
67. Conn McCluskey quoted in Holding the Ground, 171.
68. Purdie, 104.
69. ibid., 105.
70. ‘Allegations of Religious Discrimination in Northern Ireland. The Position of the United Kingdom Government in Respect of Matters Transferred to the Government of Northern Ireland’, memorandum by A. J. Langdon of the Home Office, 5 November 1964, in ‘Northern Ireland: Religious Intolerance’, PRONI, HO 5/186.
71. Peter Rose, How the Troubles Came to Northern Ireland (Basingstoke and New York 2000), 26.
72. A copy of the report, ‘An Assessment of Irish Republican Army Activities from 10 December to Date’, was sent by the Home Office to Cecil Bateman, Secretary to the Northern Ireland Cabinet. It was sent by Bateman to the Ministry of Home Affairs on 24 November 1964, ‘Subversive Activities - Reports and Miscellaneous Correspondence’, PRONI, HA/32/1/1349.
73. Rose, 17–18.
74. Thus he was the first British Prime Minister since partition to address the Irish Club's St Patrick's Day banquet in London, infuriating O'Neill by his support for a tripartite meeting between himself, Lemass and the Northern PM in London. Irish Times, 18 March 1965.
75. See Purdie, 107–20.
76. Rose, 44.
77. ‘Discussions at Downing Street on 5th August’, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1338.
78. ‘Irish Concerns Raised in Lynch-Wilson meeting’, Irish Times, 1, 2 January 1997.
79. All the quotes are from Eamon Phoenix, ‘Growing Hostility of Labour MPs Put Stormont Under Pressure’, Irish Times, 1, 2 January 1998.
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