80. Purdie, 118.
81. Henry Patterson, The Politics of Illusion: A Political History of the IRA (London, 1997), 108.
82. Government of Northern Ireland, Disturbances in Northern Ireland, Cmnd. 532 (Belfast 1969), 15.
83. Lynn, 129.
84. ibid., 177.
85. Purdie, 133.
86. Lynn, 201.
87. The woman was engaged to be married, but her husband-to-be was a resident of Monaghan and hence ineligible for the council waiting list. She did live in overcrowded conditions with the rest of her family and the case was not such a glaring injustice as Currie alleged, but, given that she was the secretary of a solicitor who was a Unionist parliamentary candidate, the council's decision was even more blinkered than usual. See Purdie, 135, and Graham Gudgin.
88. Purdie, 136.
89. Devlin quoted in Paul Kingsley, Londonderry Revisited (Belfast, 1989), 133.
90. Eamonn McCann, War and an Irish Town (London, 1980), 41.
91. The Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster (London, 1972), 52.
92. Michael Farrell, ‘The Long March to Freedom’, in M. Farrell (ed.), Twenty Years On (Dingle, 1988), 56.
93. See his contribution to the New Left Review's special issue on Ulster, where he refers to ‘Catholic-based power of a socialist form’, New Left Review, 55, May/June 1969.
94. PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1406, 14 October 1968.
95. In a cabinet discussion on 23 October, Craig claimed that a change in the local government franchise ‘could have disastrous political repercussions’, while Faulkner claimed that he ‘did not share the reservations which some members of the Party felt’. PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1409.
96. PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/14013/10, 4 November 1968.
97. PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/14013, 7 November 1968.
98. PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1418, 20 November 1968.
99. ibid.
100. PRONI, Secretary's Correspondence, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, May 1968, D1327/18/496.
101. Report on discussion forum at Unionist headquarters with rank-and-file members, September 1968, PRONI, Secretary's Correspondence, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/18/500.
102. The speech was given to a packed Ulster Hall, Belfast Telegraph, 29 November 1968.
103. The text of the broadcast can be found in The Autobiography of Terence O'Neill, 145–9.
104. See letter from Miss Noreen Cooper, a leading Unionist in Enniskillen, to J. O. Bailey, Secretary to the Ulster Unionist Council, January 1969: ‘It is very easy to be snug in and around Belfast by virtue of superiority in numbers but the lean counties have no such security and they already feel abandoned. It was made quite clear to me at the last standing committee that the feeling was that our three western counties were lost anyway and therefore the concentration from Belfast would be on winning over the moderate Nationalists.’ PRONI, Secretary's Correspondence, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/18/504.
105. Paul Arthur, The People's Democracy 1968–1973 (Belfast, 1974), 40.
106. The author was present at a meeting of PD leftists in Farrell's house in the Stranmillis area of Belfast in December 1968 when the prediction was made.
107. The Autobiography of Terence O'Neill, 112–13.
108. Arthur, 41.
109. Jonathan Bardon, ‘O'Neill Warning Went Unheeded’, Irish Times, 1, 2 January 2000.
110. The interchange of letters can be found in The Autobiography of Terence O'Neill, 150–54.
111. Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921–1996: Political Forces and Social Classes (London, 1996), 179.
112. Bloomfield, 106.
113. Niall Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites: Derry and the Birth of the Irish Troubles (Cork, 1997), 40–47.
114. ibid., 51.
8 Northern Ireland from Insurrection to the Anglo-Irish Agreement
1. Henry Patterson, The Politics of Illusion: A Political History of the IRA (London, 1997), 123.
2. The Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster: A Penguin Special (London, 1972), 116.
3. Eamonn McCann, War and an Irish Town (London, 1974), 57–8.
4. Ulster: A Penguin Special, 119.
5. Ken Bloomfield, Stormont in Crisis: A Memoir (Belfast, 1994), 112.
6. Niall Ó Dochartaigh, From Civil Rights to Armalites: Derry and the Birth of the Irish Troubles (Cork, 1997), 122.
7. Bloomfield, 114.
8. See Gerry Adams, Before the Dawn: An Autobiography (London, 1996), 109–10.
9. Rachel Donnelly, ‘Wilson Weighed up Direct Rule in North’, Irish Times, 1, 2 January 2000.
10. Ronan Fanning, ‘Living in Those Troubled Times’, Sunday Independent, 2 January 2000, and his ‘Playing It Cool: The Response of the British and Irish Governments to the Crisis in Northern Ireland 1968–1969’, Irish Studies in International Affairs, 12, 2001, 62.
11. Paul Bew and Gordon Gillespie, Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968–1999 (Dublin, 1999), 21.
12. Kenneth O. Morgan, Callaghan: A Life (Oxford, 1997), 352.
13. Ronan Fanning, ‘New Dispatches from the 1969 Frontline’, Sunday Independent, 27 February 2000.
14. Brian Faulkner, Memoirs of a Statesman (London, 1978), 66.
15. Fanning, ‘New Dispatches from the 1969 Frontline’.
16. ibid.
17. Letter from Oliver Wright to J.H. Waddell, Home Office, 16 September 1969, ‘Reports and Correspondence’, PRO, CJ 3/18.
18. Irish Times, 27 March 1970.
19. Report of a discussion of the Northern Ireland situation between the Minister of External Affairs and the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, 20 February 1970, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 2000/14/185.
20. Anthony McIntyre, ‘A Structural Analysis of Modern Irish Republicanism 1969–1973’, D. Phil., Queen's University (Belfast, 1999), 96. Dr McIntyre provided me with access to a copy of his thesis.
21. R. H. S. Crossman, The Diaries of a Cabinet Minister. Volume III: 1968–1970 (London, 1977), 636.
22. Ciaran De Baroid, Ballymurphy and the Irish War (London, revised edition, 2000), 37.
23. Desmond Hamill, Pig in the Middle: The Army in Northern Ireland 1969–1985 (London, 1985), 28.
24. De Baroid, 5. At the height of the riots 1,000 soldiers saturated an area of one square mile.
25. Peter Taylor, Provos: The IRA and Sinn Féin (London, 1997), 77–83.
26. Morgan, 353.
27. Hamill, 35.
28. ibid., 36.
29. De Baroid, 47.
30. ‘Consequently, the potential for IRA recruitment amongst the nationalist young could only be enormous.’ McIntyre, 151.
31. The words are those of the prominent Fermanagh Unionist Noreen Cooper at a special meeting of the Standing Committee of the UUC, 16 January 1970, Archives of the UUC, D1327/7/79.
32. ibid.
33. Clive Scoular, James Chichester-Clark: Prime Minister of Northern Ireland (Belfast, 2000), 101.
34. Faulkner, 78–80.
35. Meeting between Northern Ireland Cabinet and GOC, 6 July 1971, G2.20-G2.623, material released by Ministry of Defence for Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday.
36. Ó Dochartaigh, 234.
37. Faulkner, 110.
38. ibid., 119.
39. Meeting at Downing Street on 5 August 1971, G5.50-G5.55, material released by Ministry of Defence for Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday.
40. Hamill, 60–61.
41. John McGuffin, Internment (Tralee, 1973), 119–20.
42. Bew and Gillespie, 37.
43. ‘Meeting to Consider Briefing for Mr Faulkner's Visit’, 6 October 1971, G15.87-G15.91, material released by Ministry of Defence for Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday.
44. ‘Future Military Policy for Londonderry. An Appreciation of the Situation by the Commander of the Land Forces’, 14 December 1971, G41.263, material released by Ministry o
f Defence for Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday.
45. Ford's analysis of the situation in Derry on 7 January 1972 is quoted in Professor Paul Bew's ‘Report to the Saville Inquiry’ as one of its two historical advisers.
46. Quoted in Professor Bew's ‘Report to the Saville Inquiry’.
47. Visit of Chief of the Defence Staff, 24 January 1972, G70.433, material released by Ministry of Defence for Saville Inquiry into Bloody Sunday.
48. Eamonn McCann, ‘Post-Bloody Sunday, It was All to Play For’, Sunday Tribune, 26 September 1999.
49. Bloomfield, 161.
50. Notes of a cabinet discussion, 21 March 1972, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1646/16.
51. ‘Points Made by Mr Heath at the Downing Street Meeting on 22 March 1972 about the Situation in Northern Ireland’, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1646/17.
52. ‘Later Statement by Mr Heath in which He Defined the United Kingdom's Government's Ideas’, PRONI, Cabinet Secretariat, Cab 4/1646/18.
53. Faulkner, 153–4
54. Sydney Elliott and W. D. Flackes, Northern Ireland: A Political Directory 1968–1999 (Belfast, 1999), 681–5.
55. Seán MacStiofain, Revolutionary in Ireland (Farnborough, Hants, 1974), 243.
56. Belfast Newsletter, 21 March 1972.
57. Ulster a Nation (Belfast, 1972). This was a pamphlet produced by Craig's Vanguard movement.
58. Bloomfield, 137.
59. Paul Bew and Henry Patterson, The British State and the Ulster Crisis: From Wilson to Thatcher (London, 1985), 62.
60. See interview with Smyth in David Hume, ‘The Ulster Unionist Party in an Era of Conflict and Change’, D.Phil., University of Ulster (Jordanstown, 1994), Vol. II, 325.
61. Belfast Newsletter, 20 March 1972.
62. Bew and Patterson, 49.
63. Ulster Vanguard, Ulster a Nation (Belfast, 1972).
64. Belfast Newsletter, 20 March 1972.
65. Sarah Nelson, Ulster's Uncertain Defenders: Loyalists and the Northern Ireland Conflict (Belfast, 1984), 94–8.
66. Steve Bruce, The Red Hand: Protestant Paramilitaries in Northern Ireland (Oxford, 1992), 14–22.
67. Bew and Gillespie, 39.
68. Bruce, 55.
69. See Alvin Jackson, Ireland 1798–1998 (Oxford, 1999), 402.
70. Bruce, 42.
71. Clifford Smyth, ‘The Ulster Democratic Unionist Party: A Case Study in Political and Religious Convergence’, Ph.D. thesis, Queen's University (Belfast, 1983), 36.
72. Smyth, 31.
73. Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921–1996: Political Forces and Social Classes (London, 1996), 170.
74. Fortnight, October 1972.
75. The poll, intended to be taken every ten years, was held on 8 March 1973. The SDLP and republicans urged a boycott, and the bulk of nationalists did not vote. The result was that out of an electorate of 1,030,084, some 591,820 voted in favour of the Union and 6,463 in favour of a United Ireland. Thus 57.5 of the total electorate link – probably an under-recording of the pro-Union vote as pro-Union Catholics in largely nationalist areas might have felt reluctant to be seen entering a polling station. Elliott and Flackes, 186.
76. Bew and Gillespie, 61.
77. For a ‘class analysis’ of Vanguard, see Belinda Probert, Beyond Orange and Green: The Northern Ireland Crisis in a New Perspective (London, 1978), 117–28.
78. For the account of a liberal Unionist who rejected the Alliance option, see Basil McIvor, Hope Deferred: Experiences of an Irish Unionist (Belfast, 1998), 58.
79. Faulkner, 174.
80. Bloomfield, 168–9.
81. Faulkner, 194.
82. This was certainly the objective of Ken Bloomfield, who drafted the oath Stormont in Crisis, 180–81.
83. Faulkner, 195.
84. Elliott and Flackes, 533.
85. Garret FitzGerald, All in a Life (Dublin, 1991), 200.
86. Bloomfield, 152.
87. Francis Mulhern, The Present Lasts a Long Time: Essays in Cultural Politics (Cork, 1998), 13.
88. Gerard Murray, John Hume and the SDLP (Dublin, 1998), 4.
89. Paul Routledge, John Hume (London, 1997), 78.
90. Paddy Devlin, Straight Left: An Autobiography (Belfast, 1993), 140.
91. Eamonn Gallagher, ‘Report on Conversation with John Hume’, 16 February 1970, NAD, Department of Foreign Affairs, 2000/14/185.
92. Routledge, 98.
93. Murray, 6–7.
94. Routledge, 112.
95. Barry White, John Hume: Statesman of the Troubles (Belfast, 1984), 127.
96. Murray, 18.
97. Republican News, 2 January 1972.
98. The Times, 23 June 1972.
99. Patterson, 153–5.
100. Taylor, 142.
101. Bew and Patterson, 54.
102. Eamon Phoenix, ‘Whitelaw in Clash of Views with SDLP’, Irish Times, 2 January 2004.
103. Election results from Elliott and Flackes, 533.
104. Irish News, 3 July 1973.
105. White, 142.
106. Bew and Patterson, 72.
107. Richard Bourke, ‘Heath was Told Irish Ministers were “Timorous”’, Irish Times, 2 January 2004.
108. Basil McIvor, Hope Deferred: Experiences of an Irish Unionist (Belfast, 1998), 93.
109. FitzGerald, 215.
110. McIvor recalls a conversation with the Taoiseach and his ministerial colleague, Conor Cruise O'Brien, towards the end of the conference: ‘Both of them sadly agreed that… we Unionists were not going to sell Sunningdale to our people at home.’ Hope Deferred, 91.
111. Eamon Phoenix, ‘Painful Progress to Power-sharing’, Irish Times, 2 January 2004.
112. Report of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, December 1973, Archives of the Orange Order, Schomberg House, Belfast.
113. Bew and Gillespie, 69.
114. Bew and Gillespie, 77.
115. Elliott and Flackes, 537.
116. Faulkner, 251.
117. Gordon Gillespie, ‘The Sunningdale Agreement: Lost Opportunity or an Agreement Too Far?’, Irish Political Studies, 13, 1998.
118. Nelson, 157.
119. Bloomfield, 219.
120. Faulkner, 276.
121. Nelson, 157–8.
122. David Hume, The Ulster Unionist Party 1972–1992: A Political Movement in an Era of Conflict and Change (Belfast, 1996), 56.
123. ibid., 57.
124. Graham Walker, A History of the Ulster Unionist Party (Manchester, 2004), 227.
125. Hume, 63.
126. Walker, 226.
127. Ed Moloney and Andy Pollak, Paisley (Dublin, 1986), 288–9.
128. Smyth, 112.
129. Elliott and Flackes, 532–3, 550–51.
130. Smyth, 143.
131. Padraig O'Malley, The Uncivil Wars: Ireland Today (Belfast, 1983), 170–71.
132. Bernard Donoghue, The Heat of the Kitchen (London, 2003), 136–7.
133. ‘Impotent PM Considered Doomsday Scenario’, Guardian, 3 January 2005.
134. Richard Bourke, ‘Wilson Clearly Wanted to Disengage from the North’, Irish Times, 1, 3 January 2005.
135. Quoted in Taylor, 171.
136. Taylor, 191.
137. Elliott and Flackes, 681–5.
138. Taylor, 175.
139. Brice Dickson, ‘Criminal Justice and Emergency Laws’, in Seamus Dunn (ed.), Facets of the Conflict in Northern Ireland (London, 1995), 64–71.
140. Kevin Boyle and Tom Hadden, Northern Ireland: The Choice (London, 1994), 85.
141. See Sean O'Callaghan, The Informer (London, 1998), 118.
142. Bew and Patterson, 85.
143. The Times, 28 September 1976.
144. Taylor, 211.
145. Irish Times, 30 December 1977.
146. Roy Mason, Paying the Price (London, 1999), 218.
147. Paul Bew, Henry Patterson and Paul Teague, Between War and Peace: The Political Future of Northern Irel
and (London, 1997), 88.
148. Bob Rowthorn and Naomi Wayne, Northern Ireland: The Political Economy of Conflict (Oxford, 1988), 117.
149. Bew and Patterson, 90.
150. Mason, 219.
151. Hume in a Radio Éireann interview on 25 May, reported in The Ulster General Strike: Strike Bulletins of the Workers Association (Belfast, 1974).
152. ‘Scenario of Civil War and Re-partition Dominated Thinking of Demoralized SDLP’, Irish Times, 1, 3 January 2005.
153. Murray, 37.
154. ibid., 48.
155. Irish Times, 16 February 1978.
156. Adams, 266.
157. David Sharrock and Mark Devenport, Man of War, Man of Peace: The Unauthorized Biography of Gerry Adams (London, 1997), 168.
158. Patterson, 193–4.
159. Bew and Gillespie, 146.
160. Sharrock and Devenport, 182–92.
161. Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years (London, 1993), 385.
162. Leader's report from Westminster to meeting of Executive Committee of UUP, 5 November 1976, PRONI, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/6/174.
163. Meeting of Executive Committee of UUP, 26 September 1980, PRONI, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/6/186.
164. ‘We would not accept a system of devolved government that would lead to a united Ireland. The government's intention was not to improve the government of Northern Ireland but rather to get the majority to shift their stance and move out of the UK. The DUP had swallowed this hook, line and sinker’. Molyneaux to meeting of UUP Executive, 26 September 1980, PRONI, Ulster Unionist Council Papers, D1327/6/186.
165. Seán Donlon, ‘Bringing Irish Diplomatic and Political Influence to Bear on Washington’, Irish Times, 25 January 1993, and see also Andrew J. Wilson, Irish America and the Ulster Conflict (Belfast, 1995).
166. ‘US Speaker O'Neill's Role on Ulster is Highlighted’, Belfast Telegraph, 1 July 2000.
167. Irish Times, 16 November 1985.
168. Quoted in Paul Bew, ‘Agreement or a Booby Prize?’, Irish Times, 22 April 1995.
9 From Crisis to Boom: The Republic 1973–2005
1. Philip J. O'Connell, ‘Sick Man or Tigress? The Labour Market in the Republic of Ireland’, in A. F. Heath, R. Breen and C. T. Whelan (eds.), Ireland North and South: Perspectives from Social Science (Oxford, 1999), 219.
2. Liam Kennedy, The Modern Industrialization of Ireland 1940–1988 (Dublin, 1989), 48–9.
Ireland Since 1939 Page 55