Complete Works of Samuel Johnson

by Samuel Johnson

  (3.) “And be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the lord high admiral, or commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral for the time being, shall, on or before the [first day of July next] authorize and appoint a commissioner of the navy, or some one or more person or persons, who shall constantly reside at such place or places as his majesty shall direct; by virtue of which appointment, such person or persons, in the place or places for which he or they shall be appointed, shall superintend or oversee every thing relating to the aforesaid cruisers; and shall take care that every thing necessary be immediately provided for all and every the aforesaid cruising ships of war, that shall come into any port by stress of weather, or to careen or refit; and as soon as they or any of them are refitted, shall order all or any of the said ships of war to put to sea again as soon as possible.

  (4.) “And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid, that from and after the said [first day of July] if any captain, or other officer on board any of his majesty’s ships of war, shall wilfully spring, carry away, or lose any mast or masts of any such ship [Footnote: Left out, or ships.], or shall make any false pretence or excuse for leaving the station on which such ship or ships shall be appointed to cruise, or shall return into port before the expiration of the term appointed for his cruise, without just and sufficient reason for so doing, every captain or officer offending in any of the aforesaid cases, [shall be punished by fine, imprisonment, or otherwise, as the offence by a court-martial shall be adjudged to deserve.]

  (5.) “And to the intent that it may be the more easily known what service the aforesaid cruisers shall every year perform, be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the commissioner of the navy in each of the outports, or such person or persons as shall, for that purpose, be appointed by the lord high admiral, or commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral for the time being, shall transmit to him or them, every [three months] a distinct and separate account digested into proper columns, of the time when any of the ships appointed to be cruisers, sailed out of port, when such ship came in, together with the number of days, cast up, that such ship was out upon duty, and the reasons of her putting into port, and the time and reasons of her stay there; with an account how often, and the times when each of the said ships have been careened every year; and that the lord high admiral, or commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral, for the time being, shall cause copies of the said accounts to be laid before both houses of the senate within [eight days] after their meeting.

  (6.) “And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the lord high admiral, or commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral, for the time being, shall, on or before the said [first day of July] nominate and appoint such a number of the ships of war, as shall be sufficient for the purposes aforementioned, to be cruisers or convoys on this side cape Finisterre for the current year; and shall afterwards yearly, and every year, during the present or any future war, between the [first day of November] and the [first day of December] nominate and appoint a sufficient number of ships of war to be cruisers or convoys on this side cape Finisterre for the year ensuing; and as often as any of them shall happen to be taken or lost, shall, as soon as may be, appoint others in the room of every ship so taken or lost.

  (7.) “And whereas it is of the utmost importance to the trade of this nation, that the captains or commanders of his majesty’s ships of war appointed for convoys to and from remote parts, should take due care of the merchant ships committed to their charge; be it, therefore, enacted by the authority aforesaid, that every captain or commander of any of his majesty’s ships of war, who, on or after the bill shall commence, shall be appointed convoy or guard to any merchant ships or vessels, or who shall have any merchant ships or vessels under his charge, do and shall diligently attend upon such charge without delay, and in and during the course of the voyage take the utmost care of such merchant ships and vessels, and do and shall every evening see that the whole number of the said merchant ships and vessels under his convoy be in company with him; and in case he shall be obliged in the night time to Jack, or alter his course, or lie-to, that he do and shall make the proper signals, to give the merchant ships and vessels, under his convoy, notice thereof; and if in the morning he shall find any of the said merchant ships and vessels to be missing, he shall use his utmost endeavours to rejoin them, and shall not willingly or negligently sail away from, leave, or forsake such merchant ships or vessels, until he has seen them safe, so far as he shall be directed to convoy them; and in case any of the said merchant ships or vessels shall be in distress, he shall give them all proper and necessary relief and assistance, as far as he is able; and in case any such captain or commanding officer shall refuse or neglect to do all or any of the matters aforesaid, every such captain or commanding officer shall [be condemned to make reparation of the damage to the merchants, owners, and others, as the court of admiralty shall adjudge; and also be punished according to the quality of his offence, as shall be adjudged fit by a court-martial.]

  (8.) “And whereas it is of the utmost importance to our settlements in America, and the trade thereof [Footnote: Left out, “in time of war.”], that the commanders of the ships stationed there, should use their best endeavours for the protection and security of such trade, [and the colonies there;] be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid, that [Footnote: Left out, “during the continuance of any such war.”] none of his majesty’s ships, which shall be stationed at any of the said settlements, shall quit or leave their stations under pretence of going to careen or refit, or under any other pretence whatsoever, without an especial order from the lord high admiral, or commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral, (or the commander in chief of his majesty’s ships of war in those seas, or in America, [Footnote: These words were added.]) for the time being. [Footnote: Left out, “or unless the commander or commanders of such ship or ships shall be ordered off their station, to be employed in the line of battle in the American seas, which shall not be done, but in cases of the greatest necessity.”]

  (9.) “And to the end that it may appear what service the ships so stationed shall perform, be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the captain or commanding officer on board every such ship or vessel, shall keep a distinct and separate account, digested into proper columns, of the times when the said ship or vessel sailed out of port, when such ship or vessel came in, the service she was upon, together with the number of days cast up, that such ship or vessel was out upon such duty, and shall cause the same to be fairly entered in one or more book or books, to be kept for that purpose; such entries to be digested in proper columns, and to be [every six months] transmitted [Footnote: Left out, “together with the duplicates thereof.”] to the captain or commanding officer of every such station ship, to the lord high admiral, or commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral for the time being, and shall also send duplicates of the said accounts at the first opportunity.

  (10.) [Footnote: This clause was added in the committee.] “And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the commanders of his majesty’s ships of war, on their arrival at any of the said settlements, shall deliver a copy of the orders they shall have received from the lord high admiral, or commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral of Britain for the time being, so far as they relate to the protection of the said colonies, and of the trade of the said colonies, to the governour and council of the respective colony or plantation where they shall be stationed; which orders shall be entered into the council books of such colony or plantation respectively; and the said governour and council are hereby authorized and empowered to give such directions in writing to the captains and commanders of such stationed ships, as they shall think will be most for the protection and security of their trade: and the said captains and commanders are hereby required to conform to, and observe the same, provided the same do not contradict the instructions they
shall have received from the said lord high admiral, or commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral for the time being.”

  HOUSE OF LORDS, JUNE 1, 1742.

  The bill for the security and protection of trade and navigation being this day read a second time in the house of lords, the earl of WINCHELSEA, who had lately accepted the chair at the admiralty board, rose and spoke as follows:

  My lords, I know not by what accident the numerous defects and general impropriety of this bill have escaped the attention of the other house; nor is there any necessity for examining the motives upon which it passed, or of inquiring whether its reception was facilitated by the popularity of the title, the influence and authority of those by whom it was proposed, or the imaginary defects of our present regulations, which have been on some occasions represented to be such as it is scarcely possible to change but for the better.

  The knowledge and experience of those who concurred in sending this bill for your lordships’ approbation, cannot but produce some degree of prepossession in its favour; for how can it be imagined, my lords, that men of great abilities and continual opportunities of observation, should not be well versed in questions relating chiefly to their private interest, and discover the nearest way to their own success!

  And yet, my lords, it will be found that their sagacity has, perhaps, never so apparently forsaken them as on this occasion, that no proposition was ever laid before this house, in which more contracted motives were discovered, and that the bill is such as might rather have been expected from petty traders, unacquainted with the situation of kingdoms, the interests of princes, the arts of policy, the laws of their own country, and the conduct of former wars; than by merchants of extensive traffick, general correspondence, and great attainments.

  Before I proceed, my lords, to confirm the character of the bill by a distinct consideration of the particular paragraphs, and an enumeration of the several improprieties and defects which may be found in it, I think it not superfluous or unseasonable to remark one general errour, common to this with all other laws of the same kind, the errour of prescribing rules to military operations, of attempting to fix what is, in its own nature, variable, as it must depend upon external causes to which the British legislature has yet found no means of extending its authority.

  To direct, upon remote conjectures and uncertain prospects, the conduct of a commander, is, in my opinion, my lords, not more rational than to trace upon a chart the course of a ship, and pronounce it criminal to deviate from it. The one supposes a foreknowledge of the motions of the wind, and the other of the counsels of our enemies; nor can any thing be expected from such regulations, but overthrow and disgrace. I believe, my lords, that in running over the histories of the world, and examining the originals of the mightiest empires, and the sudden revolutions which have been produced by the overpowering torrents of war, which, at different periods of time, have swept the powers of the earth before them, it will be found that all rapid conquests, and sudden extensions of empire, have been effected by sovereign princes at the head of armies which acted only by immediate command, that few memorable actions have been performed by delegated commanders, and that of those few whose names have descended to posterity, those have generally been most successful who were invested with the largest powers, who acted without control, and were at liberty to snatch every opportunity, and improve every favourable conjuncture, without any necessity of communicating their schemes, of waiting for the result of tedious deliberations, or of soliciting a relaxation of former orders.

  But, my lords, though, perhaps, all positive prescriptions of the conduct of military undertakings have a tendency rather to obstruct than promote success, yet as they may be drawn up with different degrees of wisdom and sagacity, they may have a greater or less appearance of usefulness and reason. Such as have been well concerted may afford useful hints, though they ought not to be enacted with indispensable obligations. And to consider even those in which less proofs of skill and foresight can be discovered, may have, at least, this advantage, that the proposals may not be speedily repeated, nor our counsels embarrassed with absurd expedients. I shall, therefore, lay before your lordships my opinion of every paragraph, and show what are the objections which may be raised, both to the whole bill in general, and to its particular clauses.

  To the bill in general, it must be objected, that it is filled with vague expressions, and ideas so indeterminate, that no man can tell when he has obeyed it. Here are many rules ordered to be observed, when there shall be no just and sufficient reason for neglecting them, and some operations to be performed as often as there shall be occasion, and ships are to cruise in a certain latitude, unless there is a necessity of employing them elsewhere.

  Did not the title of this bill, my lords, give it some claim to a serious consideration; and did not the integrity and capacity of those by whom it was drawn up, exempt them from contempt and ridicule, I should be inclined to treat a law like this with some degree of levity; for who, my lords, can be serious when his consent is desired to a bill, by which it is enacted, that men shall act on certain occasions, as they shall think most expedient?

  Nor is this, my lords, the only instance of precipitancy and want of consideration, for many of the injunctions are without any penal sanction; so that though we should pass this bill with the greatest unanimity, we should only declare our opinion, or offer our advice, but should make no law, or what, with regard to the purposes of government, is the same, a law which may be broken without danger.

  But general objections, my lords, will naturally produce general evasions; and a debate may be prolonged without producing any clear view of the subject, or any satisfactory decision of a single question: I shall, therefore, endeavour to range my objections in order, and, by examining singly every paragraph of the bill, show the weakness of some expedients, the superfluity of others, and the general unfitness of the whole to produce the protection and security intended by it.

  In the first clause alone may be found instances of all the improprieties which I have mentioned to your lordships. It is proposed that in a time of war between this empire and any other state, such a number of ships shall be employed as cruisers or convoys in the Channel, as the admiralty shall judge most proper for that purpose. What is this, my lords, but to continue to the admiralty the power which has been always executed? What is it but to enact that the ships shall be stationed in time of war as the commissioners of the admiralty shall determine and direct?

  Of these ships, it is farther enacted, that they shall be careened three times a-year, or oftener if there shall be occasion; but it is not declared who shall judge of the necessity of careening, or who shall be punished for the neglect of it when it is requisite, or for the permission or command of it when it is superfluous.

  There is yet another regulation, my lords, in this clause, which ought not to be passed without remark. It is provided, that the sailors employed in the cruisers and convoys in the Channel, shall not be turned over but to other cruisers and convoys; by which, I suppose, it was intended, that our outguards should be prevented from being weakened, and that our merchants should never be destitute of protection; an end truly laudable, and which deserves to be promoted by some establishment better concerted. The expedient now proposed, seems to have been contrived upon the supposition that the admiralty may not always be very solicitous for the safety of the merchants, and that, therefore, it is necessary to secure them by a law from the danger of being deprived of protection; for, upon the present establishment, the removal of men from one ship to another must be made by the permission of the admiralty; and when the right of such permission shall by this law be taken away, what new security will the merchants obtain? The admiralty will still have the power, though not of turning over the men, yet of recalling the ships, and commerce suffer equally in either case.

  By the second clause, my lords, there is still a power reserved to the admiralty, of dismissing these guardians of commerce from
their stations, and employing them in case of great necessity in the line of battle, on this side cape Finisterre. Not to cavil, my lords, at the term of great necessity, of which it is apparent that the commissioners of the admiralty are to judge, I would desire to be informed what measures are to be taken, if a royal navy should unluckily rove beyond this cape, which is marked out as the utmost bound of the power of the admiralty, and should there be reduced to the necessity of engaging desperately with a superiour force, or retiring ignominiously before it. Are not our ships to pass a single league beyond their limits, in the honour or preservation of their country? Are they to lie unactive within the sound of the battle, and wait for their enemies on this side the cape?

  The third clause, my lords, is, if not absurd like the former, yet so imperfectly drawn up, that it can produce no advantage; for of what use will it be to station an officer where his majesty shall think fit? At all the royal docks there are officers already stationed, and in any other place what can an officer, deputed by his majesty, do more than hire workmen, who will as cheerfully and as diligently serve any other person? And why may not the captain of the vessel procure necessaries for money, without the assistance of a commissioner?

  In the fourth clause, my lords, nothing is proposed but what is every day practised, nor any authority conferred upon the court of admiralty, than that which it always possessed, of punishing those who disobey their orders. The provision against the crime of wilfully springing a mast, is at least useless; for when did any man admit that he sprung his mast by design? Or why should it be imagined that such an act of wickedness, such flagrant breach of trust, and apparent desertion of duty, would in the present state of the navy escape the severest punishment? Would not all the officers and mariners on board the ship see that such a thing was wilfully done? Would not they cry out— “You are springing the mast,” and prevent it, or discover the crime, and demand punishment?