by Riazanovsky
The parceling of Russia in the appanage period combined with population shifts, a political, social, and economic regrouping, and even the emergence of new peoples. These processes began long before the final fall of Kiev, on the whole developing gradually. But their total impact on Russian history may well be considered revolutionary. As the struggle against the inhabitants of the steppe became more exhausting and as the fortunes of Kiev declined, migrants moved from the south to the southwest, the west, the north, and especially the northeast. The final terrible Mongol devastation of Kiev itself and southern Russia only helped to emphasize this development. The areas which gained in relative importance included Galicia and Volynia in the southwest, the Smolensk and Polotsk territories in the west, Novgorod with its huge holdings in the north, as well as the principalities of the northeast, notably Rostov, Suzdal, Vladimir, and eventually Moscow. Population movements led to a colonization of vast lands in the north and northeast of European Russia, although there too the continuity with the Kievan period persisted, for the new expansion radiated from such old Kievan centers as Novgorod, Rostov, and Suzdal.
Of special significance was the linguistic and ethnic differentiation of the Kievan Russians into three peoples: the Great Russians, usually referred to simply as Russians, the Ukrainians, and the Belorussians or White Russians. While certain differences among these groups go far back, the ultimate split was in part caused by the collapse of the Kievan state and the subsequent history of its population, in particular by the fact that southwestern and western Russia, where the Ukrainian and the White Russian nationalities grew, experienced Lithuanian and Polish rule and influences, whereas virtually the entire territory of the Great Russians remained out of their reach.
Appanage Russia was characterized not only by internal division and differentiation but also by external weakness and, indeed, conquest. The Mongol domination over the Russians lasted from 1240 to 1380 or even 1480 depending on whether we include the period of a more or less nominal Mongol rule. But divided Russia became subject to aggression from nu-
merous other quarters as well. As already mentioned, the western and southwestern parts of the country fell to the Lithuanians - whose state as we shall see represented in a sense a successor state to that of Kiev - and eventually fell to the Poles. Novgorod to the north had to fight constant wars against the German Knights, the Swedes, and the Norwegians, in addition to the Lithuanians. With the collapse of the Kievan state and the Mongol conquest, Russia lost its important international position, even though a few principalities, such as Novgorod, acted vigorously on the diplomatic stage. In general, in contrast to the earlier history of the country, a relative isolation from the rest of Europe became characteristic of appanage Russia, cut off from many former outside contacts and immersed in local problems and feuds. Isolation, together with political, social, and economic parochialism, led to stagnation and even regression, which can be seen in the political thought, the law, and most, although not all, fields of culture of the period. The equilibrium of appanage Russia proved to be unstable. Russian economy would not permanently remain at the dead level of local agriculture. Politically, the weak appanage principalities constituted easy prey for the outside aggressor or even for the more able and ambitious in their own midst. Thus Lithuania and Poland obtained the western part of the country. In the rest, several states contended for leadership until the final victory of Moscow over its rivals. The successful Muscovite "gathering of Russia" marked the end of the appanage period and the dawn of a new age. Together with political unification, came economic revival and steady, if slow, cultural progress, the entire development reversing the basic trends of the preceding centuries. The terminal date of the appanage period has been variously set at the accession to the Muscovite throne of Ivan III in 1462, or Basil III in 1505, or Ivan IV, the Terrible, in 1533. For certain reasons of convenience, we shall adopt the last date.
VIII
THE MONGOLS AND RUSSIA
The churches of God they devastated, and in the holy altars they shed much blood. And no one in the town remained alive: all died equally and drank the single cup of death. There was no one here to moan, or cry - neither father and mother over children, nor children over father and mother, neither brother over brother, nor relatives over relatives - but all lay together dead. And all this occurred to us for our sins.
"the tale of the ravage of riazan by batu"
And how could the Mongol influence on Russian life be considerable, when the Mongols lived far off, did not mix with the Russians, and came to Russia only to gather tribute or as an army, brought in for the most part by Russian princes for the princes' own purposes?… Therefore we can proceed to consider the internal life of Russian society in the thirteenth century without paying attention to the fact of the Mongol yoke…
PLATONOV
A convenient method of gauging the extent of Mongol influence on Russia is to compare the Russian state and society of the pre-Mongol period with those of the post-Mongol era, and in particular to contrast the spirit and institutions of Muscovite Russia with those of Russia of the Kievan age… The picture changed completely after the Mongol period.
VERNADSKY
The Mongols - or Tatars as they are called in Russian sources * - came upon the Russians like a bolt from the blue. They appeared suddenly in 1223 in southeastern Russia and smashed the Russians and the Polovtsy in a battle near the river Kalka, only to vanish into the steppe. But they returned to conquer Russia, in 1237-40, and impose their long rule over it. Unknown to the Russians, Mongolian-speaking tribes had lived for centuries in the general area of present-day Mongolia, and in the adjoining parts of Manchuria and Siberia. The Chinese, who watched their northern neigh-
* "Tatars" referred originally to a Mongol tribe. But, with the expansion of the Mongol state, the Tatars of the Russian sources were mostly Turkic, rather than Mongol, linguistically and ethnically. I am using "Mongol" throughout in preference to "Tatar."
bors closely, left us informative accounts of the Mongols. To quote one Chinese author:
… they are preoccupied exclusively with their flocks, they roam and they possess neither towns, nor walls, neither writing, nor books; they conclude all agreements orally. From childhood they practice riding and shooting arrows… and thus they acquire courage necessary for pillage and war. As long as they hope for success, they move back and forth; when there is no hope, a timely flight is not considered reprehensible. Religious
rites and legal institutions they know not… They all feed on the meat of the animals which they kill… and they dress in their hides and furs. The strongest among them grab the fattest pieces; the old men, on the other hand, eat and drink what is left. They respect only the bravest; old age and feebleness are held in contempt.
While excellent fighters and warlike, the Mongols generally directed their efforts to fratricidal strife among the many tribes, their rivalries skillfully fanned by the Chinese. Only an extraordinary leader managed to unite the Mongols and suddenly transform them into a power of world significance. Temuchin, born probably in 1155 or 1162 and a son of a tribal chief, finally in 1206 after many years of desperate struggle became the head of all the Mongols with the title of Jenghiz Khan. One of the decisively important figures in history, Jenghiz Khan remains something of an enigma. It has been suggested that he was inspired by an urge to avenge the treasonable poisoning of his father and the subsequent humiliation of his family. With time, Jenghiz Khan apparently came to believe in his sweeping divine mission to re-establish justice on earth, and as in the case of some other great leaders, he seems to have had an unshakable conviction in the righteousness of his cause. The new Mongol ruler joined to this determination and sense of mission a remarkable intelligence and outstanding military, diplomatic, and administrative ability.
After uniting the Mongols, Jenghiz Khan subdued other neighboring tribes, and then in 1211 invaded the independent Chin empire in northern China, piercing the Great Wall. What follow
ed has been described as the conquest, in five years, of one hundred million people by one hundred thousand soldiers. The western campaigns of Jenghiz Khan and his generals proved to be still more notable. In spite of bitter resistance, the Mongols smashed the Moslem states of Central Asia and reached the Caucasus. It was through Caucasian passes that they staged a raid into southern Russia to defeat the Russians and the Polovtsy on the river Kalka in 1223. Jenghiz Khan died in 1227. Before his death he had made provisions for succession, dividing the empire among four sons, although its substantial unity was to be preserved by the leadership of one of them with the title of "great khan," a position which fell to the third son, Ugedey. Jenghiz Khan's successors continued his sweeping conquests and spread Mongol rule to Turkestan, Armenia, Georgia, and other parts of the Caucasus, the state of the Volga Bulgars, Russia, Persia, Mesopotamia, Syria, Korea, and all of China. At the time of Kublai Khan, the founder of the Yuan dynasty in China who ruled as Great Khan from 1259 to 1294, Mongol dominion stretched from Poland and the Balkans to the Pacific and from the Arctic Ocean to Turkey, the Persian Gulf, and the southern borders of China. Moreover, the Mongols had penetrated deep into Central Europe, defeating the Poles, the Germans, and the Hungarians in the process.
The remarkable success of Mongol armies can no longer be ascribed, as in the past, to overwhelming numbers. It stemmed rather from the effective strategy of the Mongols, their excellence as highly mobile cavalry, their endurance, and their disciplined and co-ordinated manner of fighting assisted by an organization which in certain ways resembled a modern general staff. These assets acquired particular importance because the military forces of the invaded countries, especially in Europe, were frequently cumbersome, undisciplined and unco-ordinated. Espionage, terrorism, and superior siege equipment, borrowed from China and other lands, have also been cited as factors contributing to the amazing spread of Mongol rule. The Mongols held occupied territories with the aid of such devices as newly built roads, a courier system, and a crude census for purposes of taxation.
Batu, a grandson of Jenghiz Khan and a nephew of Ugedey, who succeeded his father Juchi to the greater part of Juchi's empire, directed the Mongol invasion of Europe. He had some 150,000 or 200,000 troops at his disposal and the veteran Subudey to serve as his chief general. The Mongols crossed the Urals in 1236 to attack first the Volga Bulgars. After that, in 1237, they struck at the Russian eastern principality of Riazan, coming unexpectedly from the north. In the Mongol strategy, the conquest of Russia served to secure their flank for a further major invasion of Europe. The Russian princes proved to be disunited and totally unprepared. Characteristically, many of them stayed to protect their own appanages rather than come to the aid of invaded principalities or make any joint effort. Following the defeat of a Russian army, the town of Riazan was besieged and captured after five days of bitter fighting and its entire population massacred. Next, in the winter of 1237/38, the Mongols attacked the Suzdal territory with its capital of Vladimir, the seat of the grand prince. The sequence of desperate fighting and massacre recurred on a larger scale and at many towns, the grand prince himself and his army perishing in the decisive battle near the river Sit. Thus, in a matter of several months, the Mongols succeeded in conquering the strongest section of the country. Furthermore, they attained their objectives by means of a winter campaign, the Mongol cavalry moving with great speed on frozen rivers - the only successful winter invasion of Russia in history. But a spring thaw that made the terrain virtually impassable forced the Mongols to abandon their advance on Novgorod and retreat to the southern steppe. They spent the next year and a half in preparation for a great campaign as well as in devastating and conquering some additional Russian territories, notably that of Chernigov.
The Mongol assault of 1240, continued in 1241 and the first part of 1242, aimed at more than Russia. In fact, it had been preceded by an order to the king of Hungary to submit to the Mongol rule. The Mongols began by invading the Kievan area proper. Overcoming the stubborn defenders, they took Kiev by storm, exterminated the population, and leveled the city. The
same fate befell other towns of the area, whose inhabitants either died or became slaves. After Kiev, the Mongols swept through the southwestern principalities of Galicia and Volynia, laying everything waste. Poland and Hungary came next. One Mongol army defeated the Poles and the Germans, the most important battle taking place at Liegnitz in Silesia in 1241, while another army smashed the Hungarians. Undeterred by the Carpathian mountains, the Mongols occupied the Hungarian plain; their advance guard reached the Adriatic. Whereas campaigning in central Europe presented certain problems to the Mongols, particularly the need to reduce fortresses, many historians believe that only the death of Great Khan Ugedey saved a number of European countries. Concerned with internal Mongol politics, his nephew Batu decided to retrench; and in the spring of 1242 he withdrew his armies to the southern steppe, subjugating Bulgaria, Moldavia, and Wallachia on the way back. Although the Mongols thus retreated to the east, all of Russia, including the northwestern part which escaped direct conquest, remained under their sway.
Batu established his headquarters in the lower Volga area in what became the town of Old Sarai and the capital of the domain known as the Golden Horde. The Golden Horde constituted first a part of the Mongol empire and later, as the central ties weakened, an independent state. A department in Old Sarai, headed by a daruga, handled Russian affairs. Mongol dominion over Russia meant that the Russian rulers recognized the Mongol overlordship, that the Mongols, initially the great khan in Mongolia and subsequently the potentate of the Golden Horde, invested the Russian grand prince with his office, and that to be so invested the Russian prince had to journey to the Mongol headquarters and pay humble obeisance to his suzerain. Further, it meant that the Mongols collected tribute from the Russians, at first by means of their own agents and afterwards through the intermediacy of Russian princes. Also, the Russians occasionally had to send military detachments for the Mongol army. We know of several such levies and of Russians serving in the Mongol forces as far away from their homeland as China.
In general, although the Mongols interfered little in Russian life, they maintained an effective control over Russia for almost a century and a half, from 1240 to 1380. In 1380 the prince of Moscow Dmitrii succeeded in defeating the Mongols in a major battle on the field of Kulikovo. Although the Mongols managed to stage a comeback, their invincibility had been destroyed and their rule greatly weakened. Still, another century passed before the Mongol yoke was finally overthrown. Only in 1480 Ivan III of Moscow renounced his, and Russian, allegiance to the khan, and the Mongols failed to challenge his action seriously. Later yet, Russia expanded to absorb the successor states to the Golden Horde: the khanate of Kazan in 1552, of Astrakhan in 1556, and, at long last, that of Crimea in 1783.
The Role of the Mongols in Russian History
Thus, the Mongol rule over the Russians lasted, with a greater or a lesser degree of effectiveness, for almost 250 years. There exists, however, no consensus among specialists concerning the role of the Mongols in Russian history. Traditionally Russian historians have paid little attention to the Mongols and their impact on Russia; nevertheless, some of them did stress the destructive and generally negative influence of the Mongol invasion and subjugation. Others virtually dismissed the entire matter as of minor significance in the historical development of their country. While a few earlier scholars held radically different views, a thorough reconsideration of the problem of the Mongols and Russia occurred only in the twentieth century among Russian emigre intellectuals. A new, so-called Eurasian, school proclaimed the fundamental affiliation of Russia with parts of Asia and brought the Mongol period of Russian history to the center of interest. What is more, the Eurasian school interpreted the Mongol impact largely in positive and creative terms. Their views, particularly as expressed in Vernadsky's historical works, have attracted considerable attention.
The destructive and generally negati
ve influence of the Mongols on the course of Russian history has been amply documented. To begin with, the Mongol invasion itself brought wholesale devastation and massacre to Russia. The sources, both Russian and non-Russian, tell, for instance, of a complete extermination of population in such towns as Riazan, Torzhok, and Kozelsk, while in others those who survived the carnage became slaves. A Mongol chronicle states that Batu and his lieutenants destroyed the towns of the Russians and killed or captured all their inhabitants. A papal legate and famous traveler, Archbishop Plano Carpini, who crossed southern Russia in 1245-46 on his way to Mongolia, wrote as follows concerning the Mongol invasion of Russia:
… they went against Russia and enacted a great massacre in the Russian land, they destroyed towns and fortresses and killed people, they besieged Kiev which had been the capital of Russia, and after a long siege they took it and killed the inhabitants of the city; for this reason, when we passed through that land, we found lying in the field countless heads and bones of dead people; for this city had been extremely large and very populous, whereas now it has been reduced to nothing: barely two hundred houses stand there, and those people are held in the harshest slavery.