Sixth Century BCE to Seventeenth Century

by Ying-shih Yü

  disappointed by the failure to fi nd immortality in the seas to the east but not yet

  quite emancipated from the ingenious deception of the Daoist immortals, the

  emperor now believed that the “Heavenly Horses” of Ferghana were of the same

  family as the dragons and would eventually carry him to meet the Western

  Queen Mother on Mount Kunlun. This is, as we shall see later, simply a slightly

  revised version of the Yellow Emperor’s ascension to Heaven on a dragon’s

  back. It was prob ably this belief that made Han Wudi so determined to get the

  “Heavenly Horses,” even at the cost of aggressive wars.75

  The further worldly transformation of the idea of immortality needs more

  elaboration. Generally speaking, it may be seen in the fact that in almost all of

  Han Wudi’s eff orts in connection with the cult of xian immortality, his worldly

  desire for longevity or immortality can always be discerned. In the case of the

  famous fangshi named Li Shaojun

  , we see very clearly that Emperor

  Wudi was much more concerned with achieving longevity or immortality than

  with transcending this human world to become a seclusive xian. It is pos si ble

  that Li won so much of the emperor’s confi dence primarily because he was

  particularly known to be versed, among other magical arts, in the method of

  “avoiding old age” ( quelao

  ). It is true that Li also promised that the em-

  peror would meet the xian of Penglai

  , one of the three divine mountains

  in the sea. This does not mean, however, that the emperor would join the xian

  on Penglai. Rather, it refl ects the belief that seeing the xian would lead to the

  result of “no death,” and thus accounts for Emperor Wudi’s enthusiasm for the

  cult of xian immortality.76

  Wudi’s worldly desire for longevity is also instanced by his revival of the sac-

  rifi cial off erings to spirits of the dead ( gui ) in Nan Yue

  (modern Guang-

  dong, Guangxi, and part of Vietnam). After the pacifi cation of Nan Yue in the

  year 111 b.c.e., the emperor was told that formerly a king there had lived one

  hundred and sixty years because he had made sacrifi cial off erings to spirits of

  the dead. But later, people failed to follow the king’s example, which resulted

  in the population becoming much weakened and exhausted. Upon learning

  this, the emperor ordered the shamans of Yue to make sacrifi cial off erings not

  only to Heavenly gods but also to all kinds of spirits as well.77 Since this sort of

  sacrifi cial off ering was originally unrelated to the cult of xian immortality, Em-

  peror Wudi, in reviving the traditional practices of the former long- lived king of

  Yue, was obviously motivated by the worldly desire for prolongation of life. By il-

  lustration, we may cite still another example. At the suggestion of the famous

  fangshi Gongsun Qing, Emperor Wudi ordered the erection of two halls at Chang-

  an, then the capital, and another at Ganquan

  , one hundred li from the capital,

  for the accommodation of xian. The latter was named Yiyanshou

  , which

  may be rendered as “longevity.”78 Such a name seems to be highly indicative of

  the true intention of the emperor: he was anxious to meet the xian in order to

  prolong his own life.

  32 l ife a nd im m or ta l i t y in t h e mind of h a n c h ina

  Lastly, Han Wudi’s worldly desire for longevity or “no death” may also be seen

  in the famous feng and shan sacrifi ces. To be sure, the prob lem of the feng and

  shan sacrifi ces is too complicated to be discussed extensively here.79 Roughly

  speaking, during the period of the Qin and Han dynasties, there existed side by

  side two diff er ent interpretations of the feng and shan sacrifi ces. One was the

  po liti cal interpretation held by the Confucians and the other was what may be

  called the quasi- religious interpretation held by the fangshi. According to the

  former, the function of the feng and shan sacrifi ces, which were to be performed

  on Mount Tai and the adjacent hill called Liangfu

  , respectively, was to an-

  nounce the accomplishment of general peace by a new dynasty as a result of

  receiving the Mandate of Heaven.80 According to the latter, per for mance of the

  feng and shan sacrifi ces was to bring immortality (“no death”) to the emperor.81

  As most modern scholars agree, however, the feng and shan sacrifi ces made by

  Qin Shi Huang, and particularly Han Wudi, were intended primarily to secure

  prolongation of life or avoidance of death. It is true that the “Fengshan shu”

  (Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifi ces) in the Rec ords of the Grand Historian

  does not explic itly relate Qin Shi Huang’s per for mance of the feng and shan

  sacrifi ces to the quest for immortality. In view of the fact that he did not let the

  Confucian scholars arrange the sacrifi ces,82 however, it may be that he used

  some fangshi as his advisers. Moreover, the well- known “posthumous edict of

  Qin Shi Huang” counterfeited by Zhao Gao

  , the notorious chief eunuch,

  begins with the following sentence: “I have made an imperial tour throughout

  the whole empire and performed sacrifi ces to vari ous gods of famous moun-

  tains in the hope of prolonging my life.” 83 In spite of its being a forgery, this

  sentence may still contain some truth as far as the emperor’s intention is

  concerned. Other wise, it would hardly be able to serve the purpose of fabrica-

  tion. Needless to say, Mount Tai must have been included in the “famous

  mountains.” Thus understood, it seems beyond doubt that Qin Shi Huang’s

  per for mance of the feng and shan sacrifi ces was also motivated by his worldly

  desire for longevity.84

  Like Qin Shi Huang, Han Wudi, too, made no use of the Confucians in the

  fengshan arrangements.85 In Han Wudi’s fengshan per for mance, however, the

  infl uence of fangshi was much stronger and the emperor’s worldly desire for

  longevity or “no death” had also become more intense.86 What makes the feng-

  shan of Han Wudi diff er ent from that of Qin Shi Huang,87 it seems to me, is the

  fact that in performing the sacrifi ces, the former aspired not only to prolonga-

  tion of life in this world, but also, paradoxically enough, to ascend to Heaven to

  become a xian, which Huangdi (the Yellow Emperor) was then believed to have

  achieved. Han Wudi is even reported to have said that he would not hesitate to

  leave behind his wives and children if only he could follow the example of the

  Yellow Emperor and ascend to Heaven as a xian.88 At fi rst sight, it would seem

  that in Han Wudi’s case, the distinction between otherworldly and worldly im-

  mortality that we have been trying to make does not make much sense. Yet on

  l ife a nd im m or ta l i t y in t h e mind of h a n c h ina 33

  closer examination, one fi nds that in the time of Han Wudi, obviously due to

  the ingenious elaborations of the fangshi, the idea of xian was already begin-

  ning to take on a more or less worldly character. In the case of Qin Shi Huang,

  we have seen the confl ict of the two kinds of immortality, a confl ict of which

  the fangshi must have been well aware. For the fangshi, there were only two

&
nbsp; ways in which this confl ict could be avoided: give up the cult of xian immor-

  tality, which by then had already become their profession, or transform the

  traditional otherworldly idea of xian into a worldly one so that it would match

  the worldly desire of the worldly ruler. Naturally, the fangshi chose the latter

  alternative.

  The worldly transformation of xian may best be illustrated by a statement by

  Sima Xiangru, the best- known fu writer of Wudi’s time: “The xian take their

  residence in mountains or swamps and look rather emaciated. But this is not

  what the emperor means by xian.” 89 Even such a simple statement reveals two

  relevant facts: xian were traditionally conceived as being seclusive and other-

  worldly, and worldly emperors were not interested in this kind of xian. To deter-

  mine what kind of xian Wudi was interested in becoming leads us to reexamine

  the legendary sage- king, Huangdi (the Yellow Emperor), whom the fangshi made

  a model of emperor- turned- xian for Wudi to follow.

  In pre- Qin lit er a ture, the Yellow Emperor did not occupy as prominent a posi-

  tion as did other legendary sage- kings such as Yao, Shun, and Yu. The earliest

  reference to him is found in a bronze inscription of the state of Qi dated about

  375 b.c.e., in which the Yellow Emperor is called by the King of Qi a “remote

  ancestor” ( gaozu

  ).90 In this inscription, the Yellow Emperor is obviously

  considered a mortal man and is in no way related to the cult of xian immortality.

  We have good reason to believe with Sima Qian that he is found not in the ortho-

  dox Confucian classics but in the works of the “Hundred Schools,” whose lan-

  guage is rather loose.91

  Sima Xiangru’s statement also indicates when the transformation of xian

  took place. The Grand Historian mentions the Yellow Emperor only as the fi rst

  ruler in the “Annals of the Five Emperors.” It is only in the “Treatise on the

  Feng and Shan Sacrifi ces” that he is presented as a xian in connection with

  fangshi, showing that the change took place at a late date. Among pre- Qin phi-

  los o phers, Zou Yan

  of Qi (305–340 b.c.e.) is prob ably one of the earliest, if

  not the earliest, to mention the Yellow Emperor in conjunction with the theory

  of the cycle of fi ve virtues,92 an indication that the legend of the Yellow Emperor

  is particularly related to the state of Qi, the home of the fangshi.93 On the other

  hand, the ideas of “no death” and xian immortality also seem to have origi-

  nated in Qi,94 and it is here that we fi rst see the fl ourishing of Huang- Lao

  Daoism. In the fourth and third centuries b.c.e., a great number of the well-

  known Jixia

  scholars of Qi were Huang- Lao Daoists.95 From the late War-

  ring States Period through early Han times, almost all Huang- Lao scholars are

  found to be either natives of Qi or associated with that state.96 It is therefore

  34 l ife a nd im m or ta l i t y in t h e mind of h a n c h ina

  justifi able to conjecture that Huang- Lao Daoism had its origin in Qi toward the

  end of the Warring States Period.97 This fact may explain why the cult of xian

  immortality took the name of Huang- Lao Daoism during the Later Han

  Period.98

  To what extent Huang- Lao Daoism and xian immortality were related to

  each other is hard to determine, but there is no doubt the two were already as-

  sociated by the middle of the second century b.c.e.99 For instance, the famous

  Anqi Sheng

  of the third and second centuries b.c.e., originally known as

  one of the early masters of Huang- Lao Daoism,100 was made a xian in Han

  Wudi’s time by the fangshi of Qi.101 According to a modern scholar, he himself

  was prob ably a fangshi of Qi, one who was also versed in Huang- Lao philosophy.102

  The fangshi of Qi at Wudi’s court were also responsible for the transformation

  of the Yellow Emperor from a legendary sage- king to a xian immortal.103 The

  idea was prob ably fi rst suggested by Li Shaojun, who indicated to Wudi that the

  Yellow Emperor had achieved “no death” after having seen the xian on Peng- lai

  and having performed the feng and shan sacrifi ces.104 Further elaborations by

  Gongsun Qing and other fangshi made the Yellow Emperor actually become a

  xian and ascend to Heaven on a dragon’s back. What is even more revealing of

  the worldly character of the idea of immortality is the fact that he was said to

  have ascended to Heaven with his whole suite, including a harem of over

  seventy.105 This type of xian, gregarious and still pursuing worldly pleasures, is

  in sharp contradistinction to the traditional concept of a secluded and ascetic

  xian, and it prob ably explains why Sima Xiangru insisted that the traditional

  seclusive xian did not appeal to the emperors at all. Ascension to Heaven in the

  manner of the Yellow Emperor is actually a transplantation of the imperial life

  from this world to another, and to one in which human desires prob ably would

  be better gratifi ed than annihilated.106

  The invention of the story of the Yellow Emperor’s ascension to Heaven with

  his whole suite is the fi rst step taken by the fangshi to transform the idea of xian

  to suit the worldly taste of immortality seekers. As time went on, the same

  theme received further elaboration. Moreover, its application was no longer

  limited to the emperor, but extended to nobles and commoners as well. The

  following two instances will suffi

  ce as illustrations. The fi rst is the case of the

  Prince of Huainan named Liu An

  (d. 122 b.c.e.), the reputed author of

  Huainanzi, which has been widely known ever since Han times. He was a great

  patron of fangshi as well as of scholars and was forced to commit suicide after

  planning sedition against Emperor Wudi.107 After his death, however, there

  arose a legend in which the prince did not really die but ascended to Heaven as

  a xian. This story is imbued with even more earthly fl avor than the Yellow

  Emperor’s, because not only his whole house hold but even his dogs and cocks

  are said to have followed him to Heaven as a result of taking immortality

  drugs.108 A Later Han scholar explained this story as an expedient used by the

  fangshi to gloss over the actual reason for the death of the prince.109 This might

  l ife a nd im m or ta l i t y in t h e mind of h a n c h ina 35

  well have been the case, but in view of the fact that the fangshi had fi rst sug-

  gested the idea in its prototype to Emperor Wudi, we may conjecture that the

  gospel of ascension to Heaven with one’s entire house hold might already have

  been preached to Prince Liu An by the fangshi to induce him to embark on the

  search for xian immortality. Since immortality seekers from the ruling class

  were all motivated by worldly considerations, this was a most persuasive gospel

  and one most likely to touch their hearts. Although there is no reason to doubt

  the sincerity of people like Han Wudi and Liu An in seeking immortality, it is

  certainly beyond anyone’s comprehension why they should be interested in be-

  coming traditional xian at the cost of all their earthly pleasures.

  The idea of ascension to Heaven with one’s family, however, also
found its

  way among the common people. Our second instance, although less well

  known to students of Daoism, is of considerable importance to our understand-

  ing of the worldly transformation of the idea of xian in Han times. This story,

  taken from a Han stone inscription dedicated to a xian immortal named Tang

  Gongfang, relates that in 7 b.c.e., Tang Gongfang

  served as a petty offi

  -

  cial in the provincial government of his native place, Hanzhong

  . By luck

  he met and won the favor of a “True Man,” who took him as a disciple and gave

  him immortality drugs. Thus, Tang himself became a xian while still in gov-

  ernment ser vice. Later he off ended the governor by failing to teach him the

  Dao as the governor wished. Enraged, the latter ordered his subordinates to ar-

  rest Tang’s wife and children. When Tang learned of this and went to his mas-

  ter for help, the True Man made his wife and children take some drugs, saying,

  “Now is the time to go.” But the wife and children were reluctant to leave their

  home. “Do you wish your whole house hold to go too?” asked the True Man. “Yes,

  that is exactly what we want,” they answered. Thereupon, he daubed the house

  with drugs and, at the same time, gave drugs to all the domestic animals. There

  immediately rose a great wind and a dark cloud to carry away Tang Gongfang and

  his family. Their house as well as their animals dis appeared. The inscription

  goes on to make the following remark: “Formerly people like Wang Ziqiao and Ji

  Songzi all became xian singly, but Tang Gongfang was translated into another

  existence with his whole family. It is indeed remarkable.”110

  This story is rich in hidden meanings, but a few points directly related to our

  discussion may be emphasized here. First, it shows that by this time, the cult of

  xian immortality had already acquired a wider social basis and was no longer

  an exclusive aff air between fangshi and the ruling class, for the hero of the story

  was only a petty offi

  cial in a provincial government. Second, it shows the popu-

  lar belief in drugs as the best, or rather the easiest, way to achieve immortality.

  Third, the growing worldliness of the xian concept is refl ected in the entire

  house hold’s removal from Earth to Heaven. In pre- Qin times, man ascended as a