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Sixth Century BCE to Seventeenth Century

Page 23

by Ying-shih Yü


  second century c.e.) also makes this very clear in his “Qi Ji” when he describes

  pears from Yongzhou being off ered after the meal.54 Evidently, the end of a

  feast was not necessarily the end of eating and drinking, however. According to

  Ying Shao, sometimes it happened that when the feast was fi nished, the host

  still wanted to continue drinking with his guests. In such cases, it was already too

  late for the kitchen to prepare any fresh food, so dried meat and fi sh seasoned

  with fagara, ginger, salt, and shi (salted darkened beans) were served instead.55

  This story seems to indicate that as early as the Later Han Period, Chinese had

  already developed the habit of always having some kind of food when drinking

  wine.

  To conclude our discussion of the Han feast, let us quote a passage from the

  famous “Tongyue”

  (Contract for a Slave) by Wang Bao of the fi rst century

  b.c.e. The “Contract,” dated 59 b.c.e., is a semihumorous account of Wang Bao’s

  purchase of a bearded slave named Bianliao at Chengdu, Sichuan. Among the

  numerous house hold tasks Wang Bao assigned to the slave was to prepare feasts

  for guests. The “Contract” says: “When there are guests in the house he [the

  slave] shall carry a kettle and go after wine; draw water and prepare the eve ning

  meal; wash bowls and arrange food trays; pluck garlic from the garden; chop

  vegetables and mince meat; pound meat and make stew of tubers; slice fi sh and

  roast turtle; boil tea and fi ll the utensils.”56 The passage speaks for itself. The

  only point to be briefl y noted is whether or not tea was already in use in China

  this early.57 However, based on vari ous pieces of literary evidence, including the

  “Contract,” Gu Yanwu came to the conclusion that tea drinking had begun in

  the Sichuan region even before the Han dynasty.58 The spread of tea drinking

  as a habit in the rest of China, especially in the north, prob ably came much

  later.59

  F O O D A N D E AT I N G I N E V E R Y D AY L I F E

  Because of the nature of the evidence at my disposal, I have thus far confi ned

  my discussion of food and eating in Han China to the upper classes. Food re-

  mains and food lists from Mawangdui, kitchen and feast scenes from vari ous

  106 f o od in c h ine s e c ul t ur e

  mural- painted tombs, the historic Banquet at Hong Men, the numerous delica-

  cies described in a mouth- watering fashion by men of letters— all these be-

  longed exclusively to the rich and power ful who constituted but a small fraction

  of the sixty million Han Chinese. Now I must try to fi nd out what sorts of foods

  were generally available to the great majority of people in their everyday life

  during the Han Period. This is easier said than done, for historical rec ords and

  archaeological fi nds normally refl ect the life of people of at least some means.

  Moreover, it is also desirable at times to bring the well- to-do into the discussion

  that follows both for contrast and comparison.

  Grain was the main food for the Han Chinese, as it still is for Chinese today.

  What, then, were the major categories of grain that were cultivated in Han China?

  The Han Chinese, following the ancients, often talked about “fi ve grains,” “six

  grains,” “eight grains,” or “nine grains,” but scholars from Han times down to

  the pres ent have never come to a complete agreement as to the identifi cation of

  these grains.60 Thanks to recent archaeological discoveries, however, we are now

  on a much more solid ground to determine the staple grains on which the Han

  Chinese lived, philological confusion notwithstanding.

  As listed at the beginning of this study, the following grain remains were

  uncovered in Han Tomb No. 1 at Mawangdui: rice, wheat, barley, two kinds of

  millet, soybean, and red lentil. With the exception of red lentil, all have long

  been included, one way or another, in the identifi cation lists of traditional exe-

  getes and philologists. Grain remains have also been found elsewhere. At Sha-

  ogou (northwestern outskirts of Luoyang) in 1953, a total of 983 earthenware

  grain containers were unearthed from 145 tombs datable from middle Earlier

  Han to late Later Han. Grain remains of the following were found in many of

  the containers: millets of vari ous kinds (P. miliaceun Linn., Setaria italica Beauv.

  var. maxima, spiked millet, etc.), hemp, soybean, rice, and Job’s tears ( Coix

  lacryma- jobi) . Moreover, most of the containers bear inscribed labels indicating

  the food content of each. In addition to the grains just given above, we also fi nd

  the following names: wheat, barley, bean, lesser bean, hulled white rice, and

  others.61 The rice remains from Shaogou, it is in ter est ing to note, were ana-

  lyzed by a Japa nese expert and turned out to be closer to the Indian rice, Oryza

  saliva var. indica.62 In 1957, more such inscribed grain containers with remains

  were discovered at another Luoyang site, at Jin- guyuan village.63 Based on these

  archaeological fi nds, we can now say with confi dence that the major categories

  of grain generally accessible to the Chinese in Han times included millets of

  vari ous kinds, rice, wheat, barley, soybeans, lesser beans, and hemp. It is par-

  ticularly noteworthy that this archaeological list matches very closely the “nine

  grains” recorded in the agriculturist book by Fan Shengzhi of the fi rst century

  b.c.e.64 Unlike Han exegetes such as Zheng Xing and Zheng Xuan, whose

  knowledge of agriculture was mainly bookish, Fan was a professional agricul-

  turist and had actually taught people in the vicinity of Chang-an the art of

  farming.65

  f o od in c h ine s e c ul t ur e 107

  It is almost superfl uous to say that not all these grain foods were equally

  available in all parts of Han China. Since antiquity, vari ous kinds of millet had

  been the grain staple in north China, whereas rice had been the main starch

  food for southern Chinese. This situation seems to have continued well into the

  Han Period. Moreover, we have reasons to believe that on the whole, Han China

  produced much more millet than rice.66 According to the Huainanzi, only water

  from the Yangzi River was suitable for rice cultivation.67 Ban Gu (32–92), in the

  geo graph i cal section of his Hanshu, also singles out Sichuan and the Chu region

  (mainly Hunan and Hubei) as the two major rice- producing areas ( HS, 28b.20a,

  33b–34a). This point has been born out recently in archaeological excavations. In

  1973, a group of nine tombs of early Western Han date was excavated at Feng-

  huang Shan, in Jiangling, Hubei. From Tombs 8, 9, and 10, food remains of

  vari ous kinds and over four hundred inscribed bamboo slips were found. The

  remains include rice, melon seeds, kernels of fruit, eggs, millet, chestnuts and

  vegetable seeds. Many of the bamboo slips also yield information on grain.68

  The slips rec ord rice, glutinous rice, millet, wheat, beans, and hemp. Judging

  by the number of slips and quantity of the remains, it seems safe to conclude

  that rice and millet, but especially the former, were the grain staples of this area

  during the Han.69 By contrast, it is in ter est ing to note that millet of vari ous

  kinds comes in much greater
quantities than rice from the Shaogou in Luoy-

  ang.70 Allowing for this geo graph i cal diff erence between the north and the

  south, it still may not be too far- fetched to say that millet by and large was more

  common than rice as the main grain food in Han China. In antiquity, rice had

  been regarded as an expensive and delicious grain food even by nobility. There

  is no evidence to suggest that the situation had under gone a drastic change

  during the Han dynasty.

  Next to rice and millet in popularity were wheat, barley, soybeans, and hemp.

  A word about hemp fi rst. It is common knowledge that hemp fi ber provided the

  basic material for manufacturing cloth in traditional China, but hemp seed

  proved to be edible also, and for that reason, it was often classifi ed by the an-

  cients as a “grain.” The Yantielun (Discourses on Salt and Iron) reports that the

  early Han Confucian scholar Baoqiu Zi had hemp seed for his grain food.71

  However, hemp seed as food did not appear to assume an importance compa-

  rable to that of other grains.

  For the existence of the very poor, soybeans and wheat could be even more

  vital than millet. Although Han China undoubtedly produced more millet (of

  vari ous kinds) than other grains, the consumption of millet was prob ably even

  greater. There was therefore always a pressing demand for soybeans and wheat

  as substitutes. Indeed, Ban Gu points out that the poor only had soybeans to

  chew and water to drink ( HS, 91.3a).72 The Discourses on Salt and Iron also men-

  tions “bean stew” as the simplest kind of meal.73 Fan Shengzhi has given us a

  good explanation as to why this was the case. He says: “From soybeans a good

  crop can be easily secured even in adverse years, therefore it is quite natu ral for

  108 f o od in c h ine s e c ul t ur e

  the ancient people to grow soy as a provision against famine. Calculate the acre-

  age to be covered by soybeans for members of the whole family according to the

  rate of 5 mou per capita. This should be looked at as ‘the basic’ for farming.”74

  Wheat was regarded as a coarse grain food together with beans. There is a fa-

  mous story about bean conjee (gruel) and wheat food being prepared as a hur-

  ried meal by Feng Yi for Emperor Guangwu and his soldiers during a period of

  military campaigns. Many years later, the emperor wrote to Feng Yi apologiz-

  ing that he had not yet returned the latter’s favor of bean conjee and wheat food

  ( HHS, 17.3a and 12a). Wang Chong also says, “although bean and wheat are

  coarse, they can nevertheless satisfy our hunger.”75 In 194 c.e., when there was a

  great famine in the vicinity of the capital, prices for grains went sky- high:

  500,000 coins for only one hu of unhusked grain (millet) and 200,000 coins

  for one hu of beans or wheat ( HHS, 9.8a).76 This shows conclusively that beans

  and wheat were considered much inferior to millet as grain food. An offi

  cial

  would be highly praised for having led a simple life if after his death it was

  found out that he had left behind only a few bushels ( hu) of wheat or barley

  ( HHS, 31.22b, 77.4b).

  But even the same grain varied considerably from fi neness to coarseness. In

  Han times, one hu of unhusked grain ( gu

  or su ) would normally yield six

  parts to every ten of the same grain husked ( mi

  ).77 The husked grain was

  considered coarse ( li

  ) if its ratio to the unhusked grain was seven to ten.78

  Sometimes grain food for the poor was even coarser. Zao

  (distilled grain)

  and kang

  (husks) are also mentioned as grain food ( HHS, 41.18b–19a). The

  “Suoyin” in Rec ords of the Grand Historian even defi nes zaokang as food for the

  poor ( SJ, 1, 61.8b), but this could be just a literary exaggeration. According to

  Meng Kang (ca. 180–260 c.e.), the so- called kang was merely leftover unhusked

  wheat ( HS, 40.11b). In any case, zaokang was an expression for grain food of the

  coarsest kind.

  What sorts of dishes, if any, went along with grain food for the Han Chinese

  in their everyday life? Geng is the usual answer. The Classic of Rites says, “Geng

  was eaten by all, from the princes down to the common people, irrespective of

  status.” Zheng Xuan comments that geng was the main food in a meal.79 Here the

  Han commentator was obviously speaking from his own daily experience. Geng

  could be cooked with or without meat. The following is the only clear description

  known to me of meat geng in real ity under the Han. During Emperor Ming’s

  reign (58–75 c.e.), Lu Xu of Kuaiji (in modern Zhejiang) was imprisoned in the

  capital, Luoyang. One day when he was given a bowl of meat geng to eat, he im-

  mediately knew that his mother had come to Luoyang to see him. He told the

  people around that the kind of geng he had just received could have been cooked

  by none other than his mother. As he described it, “When my mother cuts the

  meat, the chunks always come in perfect squares, and when she chops the scal-

  lions, the pieces always come in sections exactly one inch long” ( HHS, 81.21a– b).

  From this story we know that meat stewed with scallions was a common type of

  f o od in c h ine s e c ul t ur e 109

  geng. But meat geng was more a luxury than a daily necessity in Han China.

  During Wang Mang’s reign (9–23 c.e.), a eunuch bought fi ne millet food and

  meat geng from the marketplace to deceive Wang Mang about what the resi-

  dents in Chang-an ordinarily had for meals ( HS, 9c.21b–22a). This act of decep-

  tion on the part of the eunuch proves that meat geng was beyond the reach of

  people of ordinary means. A fi rst- century scholar, Min Zhongshu of Taiyuan

  (in Shanxi), being impoverished, of ill health, and advanced in age, could not

  aff ord meat, which he badly needed. Instead, he daily bought a piece of pork

  liver from the meat shop, without perhaps knowing that it was rich in vitamins

  ( HHS, 53.2a). In Min’s case, the meat he wished to have was prob ably pork, al-

  though beef and mutton seem to have been more in demand in the Han mar-

  ket.80 Beef was especially prized because the ox was such a useful animal that

  the government occasionally prohibited its slaughter ( HHS, 41.3a– b).81 In the-

  ory, meat was exclusively reserved for the aged and nobility.82 In an imperial

  decree of 179 b.c.e., Emperor Wen ordered the government to provide the aged

  ( those age eighty or older) in the empire with monthly provisions of grain food,

  meat, and wine ( HS, 4.6b–7a). Throughout the Han dynasty, similar decrees

  had been issued from time to time. Evidence shows, however, that offi

  cials in

  charge rarely took such orders seriously.

  Of all animal meats, chicken was prob ably more within the reach of the

  common people than other kinds. Local offi

  cials also made special eff orts to

  encourage people to raise pigs and chickens as a supplementary house hold

  occupation ( HS, 89.5a– b, 13a). Pottery chickens, pigs, and pig houses have been

  found in many Han tombs, especially those of Later Han date.83 This may well

  be taken as a faithful refl ection of an ordinary Han house hold. Pig butchering

  was, however, a rat
her large operation for an individual family. According to

  Cui Shi, it took place only once a year in the family a few days before the New

  Year— a practice that had generally been followed by the rural Chinese until

  the pres ent century.84 When one or two guests came for dinner, therefore, the

  Han Chinese, like their ancestors in the time of Confucius, usually had only

  chicken to off er. In fact, chicken paired with glutinous millet ( shu) was regarded

  as a very presentable food for guests both in pre- Han and in Han times.85 Even

  the plea sure of chicken meat was denied to the very poor, however. Mao Rong

  of the second century c.e. had only one chicken for his aged mother and none

  for his honorable guest Guo Linzong ( HHS, 68.4b). Also under the Later Han,

  it is said that an old lady had to steal her neighbor’s chicken, which she cooked

  for herself and her daughter- in- law ( HHS, 84.14a– b).

  We have shown that both meat and poultry were not as readily available to

  the common people as they were to the rich and the power ful. The only other

  category of dishes that occupied an impor tant place in everyday meals of the great

  majority of Han China was, therefore, vegetable dishes of vari ous kinds. As men-

  tioned above, geng was by no means necessarily associated with meat, though the

  list of geng from Mawangdui does seem to create such an impression. In fact, it

  110 f o od in c h ine s e c ul t ur e

  was perfectly legitimate to speak of vegetable geng in Han as well as pre- Han

  times. Han Fei, for example, already mentioned lihuo zhi geng

  with

  coarse grain food.86 Huo was bean leaves, which, according to Fan Shengzhi,

  “can be sold as greens.” 87 We are not sure what li was, but it has been described

  as a scallionlike plant.88 The lihuo expression later became so ste reo typed that it

  came to mean collectively any kind of coarse vegetable eaten by the poor.

  In history we fi nd only a few dietary details concerning the poor. The afore-

  mentioned Min Zhongshu was, on another occasion, given some garlic by a

  friend, to go with beans and water ( HHS, 53.lb). Also, in the fi rst century c.e.,

  Jing Dan was once off ered wheat grain and scallions for a meal that he neverthe-

  less refused to eat ( HHS, 83.10b–11a). Thus, we know that garlic and scallions

 

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