George Boleyn: Tudor Poet, Courtier & Diplomat

by Ridgway, Claire

  Alas! To declare my life in every effect,

  Shame restraynyth me the playnes to confess,

  Least the abhomynation would all the world enfect:

  Yt is so vile, so detestable in words to expresse,

  For which by the lawe, condempned I am doughtlesse,

  And for my desert, justly juged to be deade;

  Behold here my body, but I have lost my hed.

  If Cavendish is to be believed, there can be little doubt that George Boleyn used his own personal attractions as well as his social position to flirt outrageously as much as his sister did. As we have already seen, in addition to his personal attributes, he was a talented linguist, poet and musician, whose gallant and witty conversation was used by Cavendish to support the notion that he did more than merely verbally delight the ladies of the court. His charm and courtly skills were as lauded as his sister's, and from the harshness of Cavendish's criticism, it seems his gallantry probably went above and beyond that of the average courtier. However, there was never any major scandal surrounding him, and no other Boleyn enemy felt that his behaviour was base enough to comment on. It is therefore questionable whether his behaviour went beyond flirtatious banter in the guise of courtly love, or at least not to the degree Cavendish suggests.

  Court chivalry tended to be a defence against the boredom of having little meaningful employment within the court set-up. A man could be married and have a wife at home, but still woo a "mistress" at court "with poems, songs and gifts" and wear her favour at jousts.3 Such wooing was not necessarily sexual; it served as a sign of chivalry and was expected to be platonic. George was highly gifted, yet up until the end of 1529 his main employment was in keeping the King busy. The enigmatic young man's flirting could merely have been in pursuit of fun rather than a serious expression of love, or indeed pursuit of sex. It has to be borne in mind that George's womanising reputation, whether fully deserved or not, stems solely from Cavendish's verses, and that these verses have also been used to accuse George of rape and domestic abuse. There is, however, no evidence – not even hearsay - that George raped anyone, or that he was cruel to his wife.

  George's worst characteristics appear to have been his pride and arrogance. He was good-looking and clever, and he was well aware of that. How much of the criticism levelled against him was based on envy we will probably never know, but certainly these more negative elements were an aspect of his character. At the time of George's death, Thomas Wyatt, who is supposed to have been a friend of George Boleyn, wrote of his pride:

  Some say, 'Rochford haddest thou not been so proud

  For thou great wit each man would thee bemoan,

  Since it is so, many cry aloud

  It is a great loss that thou art dead and gone.'

  One of the reasons for his pride, in addition to the natural Boleyn pride, could be the position in which he had been put from an early age. His sister Mary had been mistress to the King at some point between 1519 and 1525, and then in around 1526 the King began lusting after George's second sister. Every grant made to George Boleyn throughout his life, and every honour, every position of trust and power he received, would have been questioned. Was it through his own merit, or through the King's relationship with one or other of his sisters? From his late teens, he was not just another courtier, he was the brother of the King's mistress or wife. George was a proud, intelligent, competent young man and although it is always assumed he would have derived pleasure from his good fortune, there must have been an element of frustration that whatever he did, and however hard he worked, he would merely be considered lucky. He would have known the court gossip. He would also have been well aware that by usurping the popular Queen Catherine, Anne and the rest of her family were viewed with malice and loathing by large numbers at court. In addition to this, by 1528, at the age of just 24, both George and his sister had come to embrace the new religious ideas. This alone made them unpopular with large numbers of people who held true to the Catholic faith. It is not difficult to see how a young man, already prone to pride and cockiness, could easily take on an additional air of arrogance as protection against his enemies. Or how in times of crisis, that air of arrogance could become even more pronounced merely as a defence mechanism.

  There is much emphasis placed on George's pride and arrogance, and Wyatt's poem is often used to suggest that he was personally disliked, even hated, by large numbers at court. Yet his pride was not so pronounced that Eustace Chapuys, the imperial ambassador, felt it appropriate to comment on - save for saying that George was proud of his evangelical views – this despite Chapuys actively seeking faults in order to demonise the Boleyns. Neither does Chapuys make any mention of George's supposed sexual promiscuity. In fact, his criticisms of George are mild compared to his reports relating to Anne and the siblings' father. As far as Chapuys is concerned, George gets off quite lightly. Likewise, although Cavendish lambasts George for his womanising, he makes no mention of him being particularly arrogant; again, Cavendish was looking for faults. So let us take Wyatt's verse at face value; "some" said if George had not been so proud then he would be more bemoaned. It would be difficult to argue that George did not have character flaws; no doubt there were those who personally disliked him because of his pride, but "some" is a long way from suggesting a majority. Wyatt goes on to say that despite George's cockiness, "many" said that his death was a great loss. Because extant records that give an insight into the characters of people living so long ago are rare, when we do read something tangible relating to them we tend to seize on it eagerly. George may well have been a womaniser, and without doubt pride was an aspect of his personality, but to what extent? Certainly his charm, which must have been substantial, appears to have compensated to a large extent for his supposed arrogance. Although open mourning for the May 1536 victims was a dangerous pastime, Wyatt's poem clearly exhibits the admiration and respect in which George was held; "many" still risked declaring that his death was a great loss.

  Yet setting aside the root cause of his arrogance, and its extent, it did exist and was obviously a less attractive part of his personality. Add this to his dogmatism regarding his religious views, and his lack of tolerance for anyone who did not share his Reformist vision, his exuberance then his alleged womanising and, despite his many merits, George appears to have been a young man to whom it might not have been desirable to be married.

  5 - Social Pursuits

  There is very little source material showing characters from the Tudor era as human beings, rather than two-dimensional caricatures or merely names on a page. As far as Anne and George are concerned, this problem is exacerbated by the fact that the people who actually cared about them mostly kept their feelings to themselves out of self-preservation following the Boleyns' executions. What we are left with are comments made by Boleyn enemies, who made the most of the siblings' fall from grace. Unfortunately, this gives a very unbalanced view of what they were really like. It is only by seeing the Tudors at their leisure that you can get a glimpse of the real people, and it is only by thinking of them as human beings rather than names on a page that you are able to empathise with them, particularly when you read of their words on the scaffold minutes before they died.

  Up until the end of 1529, George Boleyn's main role was keeping the King entertained, and it appears to have been one in which he was highly accomplished. Henry VIII and his court enjoyed a wide range of entertainments, including archery, hunting, card games, shovel board, dice, bowls, tennis and jousting. In addition to his acknowledged intellectual prowess, George was particularly adept at archery, bowls and shovelboard, winning large sums of money from the King on numerous occasions.1 He was also very much the sportsman, enjoying tennis and jousting. But his particular delight appears to have been hunting with either dogs or hawks.

  Falconry was a particularly expensive form of entertainment in the sixteenth century and was enjoyed almost exclusively by the nobility. The sport involved the capturing of quarry using tra
ined birds of prey.

  On 17 October 1533, George wrote to Lord Lisle, who had been appointed Lord Deputy of Calais in March of that year. He began his letter with the formal courtesies of the age, "My very good Lord, as heartily as I can I commend me unto your Lordship", and goes on to request safe passage for his servant to enable him to purchase various hawks for his master:

  This my letter shall be to desire you to be good lord unto this bearer my servant, William Atkins, insuring him your favour to pass in Flanders with such small baggage as he shall bring with him: which when he hath sold it at the most, with the same money buy for me certain hawks; praying your lordship also that at his return from thence that he may have passage with the first that shall come over.

  Lord Lisle received a number of similar letters, mainly from wealthy people of importance, promising to do similar favours for him at another time. George Boleyn's letter therefore ends, "and if there be any pleasure or service that I may do for you in these parts, I pray you write unto me and I shall not fail to do you any pleasure that in me is."2

  The nobility would hire professionals to train the birds for them, or spend large sums on already-trained birds, often purchased from abroad, rather than training them themselves. It was not unusual for gentlemen either to travel themselves or to send their servants abroad in order to purchase the best birds. Such purchases were an important show of wealth and respectability; when your brother-in-law was the King of England, such a show was essential, a matter of keeping up appearances as well as of the enjoyment of the sport, an important symbol of respect and friendship between nobles.

  George's determination to flaunt his wealth and social position resulted in him writing to the Searchers of Dover and Calais two months after his letter to Lisle. On 11 December he wrote again in pursuit of the best hawks, calling the searchers, his "well beloved friends":3

  I desire and heartily pray you to permit and suffer my servant this bearer to pass by you into the parts of beyond the sea with the sum of twenty marks in gold or silver or under the coin of this Realm of England or of any outward parts, to make provision for me in the said parts of beyond the sea of certain hawks. And I shall see you discharged in this behalf and besides that do unto you the pleasure that lieth in me...

  It was not just hawks that the young Boleyn hankered after. It was also a symbol of status to be seen riding the best horses. On 4 June 1534 he again wrote to Lord Lisle, thanking Lisle and his wife for a gift given to his sister, for which George, as was often the case, had been the intermediary. However, the main purpose of the letter was to enquire as to the purchase of a horse:

  My Lord, I understand by your servant that the horse which was Highfield's is sold, wherein I do desire your Lordship to do me some pleasure, and if possible (to find him) that hath bought him, paying for him as he paid... And if you can get him at a reasonable price, then to let him be sent unto me, and I will not only pay for his charges that shall bring him but also I will be glad to do you or any of yours such pleasures as in me lieth.4

  There was a style to George Boleyn's letter-writing, which, although following the general style of the age, is particular to him. This probably owed much to the manner of his upbringing and education. With Lisle, and others of whom he asked a favour, he always promised "not to fail to do them any pleasure that lay in [him]". Although this was usual, and was a civility taught to him from the cradle, it was a lesson he always followed diligently, never once deviating from the courtesy. Even in brief, hastily-written letters, he includes these civilities, because it was the honourable thing to do. George Boleyn need hardly promise to "do unto you the pleasure that in me lieth"; this was the queen's brother, and brother-in-law to the King of England, after all. No doubt Lisle and the Seekers of Dover and Calais were falling over themselves to assist him, but George had been brought up to be the perfect courtly gentleman, and old habits die hard. Similarly, he always ended his letters with such phrases as "and so I make an end", or "and to make an end", and it is a particular style that sets his letters apart from others of the day. Yet despite the politeness of the sentiments, status and pride were also evident in his correspondence. All three Boleyn children had been brought up to consider themselves superior to the majority of the nation. It was an early lesson that George and Anne took very much to heart. All the letters discussed here specifically state that they are being written from Hampton Court Palace, the royal palace where George was obviously residing at the time. This was a statement of fact as well as a subtle reminder that he was very much part of the King's limited circle of intimates, enjoying close personal contact with Henry himself.

  Henry VIII's Privy Purse Expenses from November 1529 to December 1532 show that when George was not on embassy abroad, he was the King's constant companion. One of the King's favoured few, the high regard in which he was held is obvious from these entries. The first occasion upon which George (by then Lord Rochford) is mentioned is on 28 March 1530, when he was shown to have received "xx Angells" (an Angel being 7s. 6d.), denoted as a reward.5 Although there is no indication as to why he received the reward, George had just returned from embassy in France, and it would seem highly likely that the money was paid for services rendered to the Crown in this regard.

  On 5 April 1530, George received money "for the use of Master Weston for 4 games which he won of the King's Grace at tennis at 4 Angells a game".6 Although it is supposed that Henry VIII hated losing, and that his courtiers took pains to deliberately lose when playing him, the Privy Purse Expenses show this was not the case. The King regularly lost at all kinds of games, and he lost huge sums of money to George Boleyn at a variety of different pursuits. Payments were made to George in August and September of that year for the hunt, and for archery at Hunsdon on 15 September, when he was awarded £5. On 8 July 1531, George received £58 from the Privy Purse "for shooting [archery] with the Kings Grace at Hampton Court", and in August he received £6 in Ryalles (a Ryalle being 11s 3d), again for shooting.

  1532 continued to show George regularly receiving money for beating the King at a variety of games. In January and February, he won nearly £60 for playing the King at shovelboard, and on 17 April he, his father, Francis Bryan and Edward Baynton won £36 from the King at the same game. Shovelboard is a game in which coins or discs are slid by hand across a board toward a mark; clearly George was highly accurate while his heavy-handed monarch was not. Shovelboard was an indoor sport, and the fact that it was still being played in early April suggests the weather was not particularly good that year. However, by 20 April the weather had obviously improved, since on the 20th and 22nd of that month, George is shown beating the King at bowls. On 20 April, he played the King in a one-on-one match, while on 22 April he and his father played the King and Edward Baynton, winning £30. On 28 June, George won £18 for beating the King "at the Pricks [archery] and by betting at the same", and on 12 July payment is again shown for hunting in Sussex. George appears to have excelled at any game which required accurate hand-to-eye co-ordination. Bearing in mind we are talking about the sixteenth century, the amounts being wagered on frivolous pastimes were vast. George's entire yearly income as a courtier only amounted to £100 (considered a high income for the age he lived in), and in just one day he could win over six months' salary. However, the sums won must be qualified by the inevitable losses, and it is probably likely that these too were substantial.

  The King prided himself at being excellent at all sports, but by the amount of money his future brother-in-law won from him, George was clearly a match for him. Of course by the early 1530s, Henry had reached his forties and was beginning to put on weight, whereas George Boleyn was in his late twenties and in the prime of life.

  The final entry relating to George Boleyn for the period available is dated 6 October 1532, for playing and beating the King at the new card game primero, and for winning a wager of the King "with a brace of greyhounds". Primero was a popular gambling card game of the day and is believed to be the direct ancestor
of poker. George was clearly unafraid of beating the King and was more than happy to take his money on a variety of bets. Obviously these sports and games would have continued into 1533 and beyond, but the Privy Purse Expenses are only available up to December 1532. There is no reason to suppose that George Boleyn did not continue to be the King's companion and confidante almost to the last.7

  The Privy Purse Expenses put to rest the notion that George enjoyed royal favour purely because of his sisters' relationships with the King. Henry was a selfish, self-centred man with little patience. He would never have suffered the continued presence of a courtier whom he did not personally like, or one from whose company he did not derive pleasure. Yet George was a regular companion to the King for at least 12 years, and favour continued to be bestowed upon him until a month before his death.

  Henry bet high stakes with his favourite courtiers, and of course what the Privy Purse Expenses show are his losses, and not his winnings. They demonstrate the extent to which men had to spend in order to remain within the royal presence. As much as George, his father, Suffolk and other favourites won, it is likely they lost just as much if not more. Courtiers' debts to the King were often covered by either selling land or borrowing from others. This could also go far to explaining the level of George's debts at the date of his death. He was flamboyant, carefree and seemingly financially irresponsible.

  In addition to the leisure activities scheduled in the Privy Purse Expenses, there was also the ever-present joust, a sport particularly dear to the King's heart. Thomas Boleyn had been an adept jouster in his day; since any gentleman who excelled in this area immediately won Henry's approval, Thomas ensured that his son was also well-equipped in the tiltyard. George was certainly competent at the sport, serving as one of the principal jousters in the May Day joust of 1536, along with the equally ill-fated Henry Norris.