A State of Treason

by David Thomas Roberts

  Sensing that Pops had no real political skills and thus not taking him seriously, Bartlett turned back to Gov. Brahman. “Governor, I will take back the message that you need a few days. I will tell you, however, that it is my opinion that this president will act swiftly and decisively if this drags on, and the crisis will continue in a manner that will present very few options,” warned Bartlett.

  “We will act in Texas’ time frame, Madam Secretary, whatever that may end up being,” answered Brahman.

  Disappointed, Bartlett got up to shake hands with everyone before leaving; however, Pops made no attempt to dispatch Bartlett with any warm farewells. As the group slowly exited the large foyer beyond the grand staircase, Bartlett made a point to walk over to Pops to say something quietly to him as she held out her hand.

  “Sir, I would hope that you would use your incredible influence with these men to help me broker a peaceful resolution to this situation. Is there any private message you would like for me to deliver to the president?” she half-whispered.

  After shaking hands with Bartlett, Pops didn’t let go of her hand. With those famous and penetrating blue eyes, Pops got closer to Bartlett, literally in her personal space, making Bartlett extremely and noticeably uncomfortable. It was enough for the Secret Service agent to take a small step toward them.

  Pops leaned in to her and said quietly, “When an apology is presented and it’s genuine, I can forgive, but I never forget. Your president killed my friends, ma’am, just as if he had pulled the trigger in each death himself. Texas won’t forget. My guess is they won’t forgive either.”

  Chapter 33

  “Never give in. Never, never, never, never, in nothing great or small, large or petty, never give in except to convictions of honor and good sense. Never yield to force; never yield to the apparently overwhelming might of the enemy.”

  ~ Sir Winston Churchill

  Prime Minister of Great Britain during WWII

  Author (Nobel Prize Winner), Historian & Hero

  Most worldwide news organizations carried the governor’s funeral live Sunday morning. The crowd that surrounded the capitol building and the funeral procession route was estimated at over 400,000 people.

  The president, his staff and cabinet, watched the funeral broadcast from the situation room. The president had been briefed by Bartlett late Saturday evening on her return from Texas. They had scheduled a follow-up meeting for 3:00 p.m. on Sunday after the funeral; however, most of the scheduled attendees came into the White House early to watch the funeral with the president.

  In what had become an all-too familiar scene to the president’s administration, the funeral procession route to the Texas State Cemetery just east of downtown was filled with thousands of Texans holding Texas flags.

  Reporting on the Texas State Cemetery, MSNBC noted that thirteen Texas governors were interred there, along with sixteen Texas Rangers, nine Confederate generals, two thousand Confederate soldiers, fifteen signers of the Texas Declaration of Independence—but only one Union soldier. Union soldiers had been buried there, but were later removed to Fort Sam Houston, a U.S. Army base in San Antonio.

  MSNBC failed to mention that the Union soldiers were moved at the direction of the federal government to Fort Sam Houston. The tone of the reporting would lead one to mistakenly believe that Texas had removed the Union soldiers simply because they didn’t want them there. The network did a piece on the lone remaining Union soldier, attempting to further stoke the growing wedge between Texas and the rest of the country.

  “Not one American flag. Not one,” said Tibbs flatly, referring to the crowds and the funeral procession.

  “Jamail, you’ve been to Texas. Even in normal times, that state flies its state flag on everything from a muffler shop to day care centers,” Smith said with just a hint of sarcasm.

  “Immense pride, gentlemen. What other state has the story of the Alamo?” asked Secy. Bartlett.

  “It almost reeks of some kind of perverted nationalism. Something you would see in the Chechnya Republic,” responded Tibbs.

  “Or Scotland,” added Smith.

  “There are a couple of similarities. Texas was once its own republic but, more importantly, both Chechnya and Scotland, like Texas, are also fiercely independent. We all know Chechnya broke away from Russia and there is an active movement by Scotland to break from the United Kingdom,” said Bartlett.

  CNN was first to report several Texas state representatives and at least three state senators were introducing bills in the state legislature on Monday for a binding statewide referendum on separation from the United States. Although CNN talking heads were quick to dismiss the notion, the situation room seemed to get tense instantly.

  “Mr. President, this is exactly what we discussed yesterday,” said Bartlett as she turned her swiveled chair toward the president.

  “I know our meeting is not for thirty minutes,” said Johnson, “but let’s go ahead and kick this off by moving to the Cabinet Room. I think most everyone is here already.” The entire cabinet, staff and the Joint Chiefs moved out of the situation room into the Cabinet Room that overlooked the White House rose garden. The president sat in his chair, which traditionally is taller than all the other chairs at the historic mahogany table.

  “I’ve asked Secy. Bartlett to highlight the points made to her by the new Texas governor. Anna, will you proceed please?” asked the president.

  “Thank you, Mr. President. I will get straight to the point, ladies and gentlemen. I believe the Texas government is ready to work this out, but there are factions within state leadership who continue to push for other solutions that are not in their or our best interests,” reported Bartlett.

  She glanced around the room. “First, they demanded an apology from the federal government over the deaths at the Texas ranch.”

  “That’s doable,” said Smith.

  “Are you serious?” asked Tibbs.

  “There are apologies, and then there are regrets,” came the reply from Smith.

  “They know the difference, Avery. They even brought that up,” stated Bartlett.

  “What else?” asked the president.

  “They want an impeachment hearing.”

  “That’s never going to happen,” retorted Smith.

  “Well, we all know that. Also, I think all of you should know that there is serious, real and growing interest into some type of independence movement. Call it secession, separation or whatever you want, but I can tell you the majority of the people pulling the ears of those in power are attempting to convince others that this course of action is viable,” said Bartlett.

  “That can’t and never will happen. So, if this referendum makes it through the legislature and then passes due to the emotions of the moment, what happens next?” asked the president.

  “It gets uglier than it is now,” proclaimed Smith.

  Tibbs was eagerly waiting for his chance for input, tempered somewhat by the fact that Operation Santa Anna was a disaster politically.

  “They will continue to flirt with this idea that somehow they are different, that they can destroy government buildings and defy this administration. The elephant in the room is that each one of you knows that it is going to take military intervention on a large scale to bring them in line,” Tibbs snorted. “We know we aren’t going through any damned impeachment hearing. They know it, too. Let’s just stop kidding ourselves. We have been dancing around the edges of this problem for months. Now we let them get the idea in their heads that some stupid referendum in Texas is somehow binding on us? Geez. Let’s just put an end to this nonsense once and for all,” said an exasperated Tibbs.

  Bartlett interjected, “I do think an apology would go a long way. Obviously an impeachment hearing would be up to Congress and not to the executive branch. We would just get Avery to work his usual magic and defeat it before it gets any traction.”

  Smith stood up, walked around the table and then turned to Bartlett. “We would definite
ly defeat it. But there are other political ramifications that are detrimental to the party and the agenda for the remaining term of the president. All of his key legislation going forward would be imperiled.”

  “As opposed to an all-out war with Texas?” replied Bartlett.

  “This is just crazy!” Tibbs continued forcefully. “We cut the head off the snake but it continues to stay alive and bite us. My recommendation is to put a permanent end to this nonsense. Declare martial law, invalidate the entire state legislature and leadership, and go back and take over the military bases. This is exactly what Abraham Lincoln would do!”

  “Avery, is there any benefit to waiting to see if this referendum gets out of their state legislature?” asked the president. “I am having a hard time believing that it could and, even so, that it would pass with the voters. I think a heavy political campaign in Texas could defeat this effort rather easily,” said the president.

  “Mr. President, with all due respect, your popularity in Texas is at an all-time low. Jamail is the most hated man in Texas, but you’re not far behind and the results of the raid on the ranch are horrific. If we stand pat on the stand we have currently taken, I would not be surprised for Texas to be emboldened by this vote coming on the heels of burying their governor and first lady,” replied Bartlett, who took any opportunity she could to try to enlighten other cabinet members about her opinion of Tibbs.

  “Honestly,” she continued, “and I know this stings—the best thing you could do is release the people responsible for the raid. Now, Jamail, I know you feel like this is a personal attack; however, those Texas folks had blood in their eyes. I really don’t think a cleverly worded non-apology is going to work.”

  “You’re entitled to your opinion, Madam Secretary,” replied Tibbs quietly but confidently.

  Tibbs was convinced that, outside of Smith, the president’s personal political strategist, that he himself was both trusted and protected by the president. Despite the fact that the president had a chief of staff, most insiders knew that Smith and Tibbs always had his ear.

  No matter what scandal seemed to emanate from Tibbs’ office in Justice, the president never seemed too concerned nor did he take definitive action that would be typical of other presidents. This fact led to two chief of staff resignations in his cabinet in just over five years.

  What Bartlett could not possibly know is how much fallout the president would have with a forced resignation of Tibbs. Tibbs knew way too many secrets in the White House. Bartlett was previously a political enemy and the president never forgot the dirty campaign in the primary. Johnson never fully trusted Bartlett. The cabinet spent the next hour discussing all options, except specific military actions. A possible resignation of Tibbs was never openly discussed.

  The president scheduled another cabinet meeting for Tuesday morning, following the first day of the Texas legislative session, called by the new governor before the funeral services. In the meantime, Tibbs went back to his office with plans of his own to ratchet up the intensity of the crisis. From his cell phone, he called to schedule a meeting of his own with embattled DHS director Sarah McDermott.

  “Sarah, is Border Patrol still on stand-down on the Texas border?”

  “Yes, status quo. Texas has the border closed. In order to avoid confrontation, we have not challenged Texas on the borders,” she replied.

  “That’s about to change, Sarah. We are about to let your federal border agents do their jobs once again.”

  Chapter 34

  “The Internal Revenue Service is everything the so-called tax protesters said it was: nonresponsive, unable to withstand scrutiny, tyrannical, and oblivious to the rule of law and the U.S. Constitution.”

  ~ Joseph Bannister

  Former Special Agent

  IRS Criminal Investigation Division

  IRS Whistleblower

  Ten Border Patrol vehicles, including an armored personnel carrier, pulled into parking at the United States Customs office located next to the bridge that crossed the Rio Grande at Laredo, Texas.

  Since the crisis that unfolded at the Swingin’ T and the military aircraft dogfights over south Texas, the governor had dispatched Texas Guard troops to major border crossings with Mexico, supplemented by local sheriffs’ and constables’ deputies from surrounding counties. Mexican citizens were allowed to cross into Nuevo Laredo, but they were turned back if they could not prove they resided in Texas.

  This move was detrimental to the local economies on both sides of the border. For multi-generational Hispanics, the Mexican air raid and the Santa Anna operation reinforced their support for their Texas heritage during the crisis. That was not necessarily true for the younger “Dreamers” who had been smuggled in illegally or who had been born of illegal aliens on Texas soil. For those, support remained with the federal government that had granted them amnesty despite their prior illegal and undocumented status. Many of the border patrol agents working for the federal government were Hispanic dreamers who had gotten jobs with the federal government.

  The Texas Guard and sheriffs’ deputies who manned the checkpoint numbered about twenty at any one time; however, when the Border Patrol vehicles pulled into the checkpoint, there were only fourteen on duty.

  A Border Patrol agent looking like a man with a mission exited the first vehicle and strode to the office. “Gentlemen, my name is Lt. Col. Carranza. We are here to relieve you of duty at this station by orders of the Department of Homeland Security,” Carranza said.

  The ranking officer of the Texas Guard, Col. “Shep” Davis, stood up from his desk and approached Carranza, who was standing on the other side of a counter at the entrance, flanked by ten of his agents.

  “Sir, we are here by orders of the governor of Texas. We do not report to you nor to DHS,” responded Davis firmly. “We will not abandon this post, nor will we re-open this checkpoint. I suggest you and your boys scurry back out of here.”

  Davis motioned to one of his staff. “Call Austin right now, then call Lackland.” Davis wanted to make sure the Border Patrol contingent knew he could call in air support from San Antonio if needed.

  “Gentlemen, this is federal property you are occupying,” barked Carranza. “My orders are to relieve you of this command and to resume operations as a functioning Customs and Border Patrol station, including re-opening the bridge.”

  At this point, Davis could finally see how many agents were outside. He was easily outnumbered three to one. The Border Patrol agents were in full para-military gear.

  When the call came into the governor’s mansion, Gov. Brahman was meeting with several state senators and Pops Younger. An aide came in with the news. After learning of Davis’ situation, Pops immediately got on the phone to Brownsville, Del Rio and El Paso to find out if this was a coordinated effort by DHS.

  “Pops, do we have another fed operation being launched in Texas?” asked the governor, abruptly changing the subject of the meeting.

  “Governor, Brownsville and Del Rio are quiet but we haven’t gotten confirmation from El Paso. We are checking with other smaller entry points. So far, Laredo is the only one, but more could be on their way. The duty officer in Laredo is asking for orders. He’s outnumbered, sir, and has been caught by surprise.”

  “Damn, here we go again,” snapped Brahman. “I don’t want any more bloodshed, but I also don’t want to give in to the feds. Pops, get the major general in here from the Texas Guard. Tell the duty officer to stall if possible but, if he can’t, tell him to retreat for now, but take all his communications gear with him. Do not leave anything behind.”

  Pops moved to the next room to contact the new commanding officer of the Texas Guard who had taken over for Maj. Gen, Conroy.

  Meanwhile, at the Laredo checkpoint, Carranza was growing impatient.

  “Sir, you’re outnumbered. Nobody wants this to escalate, but my orders are to take this government installation immediately,” said Carranza.

  “I’m waiting for orders from
Austin.”

  “My orders don’t include you having to get permission from Austin to vacate the premises. I’ll give you ten minutes, sir, before I give orders for my people to take this building and the bridge, by force if necessary.”

  “You do what you have to do. My folks aren’t budging from this site without orders from Austin.” Davis was nervous. “Why don’t ya’ll just wait outside until Austin calls me back.”

  “No, sir, this is a federal facility. We’ll just stay right here,” replied Carranza as the agents behind him adjusted their M-16s to a ready position but kept them pointed upward.

  A few nervous minutes ensued where neither side spoke a word. Finally, a lieutenant came up to the colonel. “Sir, Austin is on phone.”

  “Excuse me. I’m going to take this call in my office.”

  “You go right ahead, sir, and then be ready to vacate the building,” Carranza persisted.

  Carranza, a career Border Patrol agent, moved from Coahuila, Mexico to Zapata, Texas with his family when he was eight years old. He remembered his apprehension during the night crossing near Langtry, Texas. Ironically, Carranza’s career involved monitoring the border his family crossed illegally many years before. He earned his citizenship under the first amnesty program by President Reagan.

  Known by his peers as extremely lenient toward Mexican illegals during his career, he rose through the ranks at unprecedented speed during the Johnson administration. Although criticized heavily by the Border Patrol Union, Carranza was a darling of the administration and DHS. Now in his late forties, Carranza was heavy-set and dark-complected with jet-black hair, cropped closely because he had noticed just recently that he had gray hair at the temples.

  Carranza was a pawn used by the administration every time the right had congressional committee hearings. The agent was their antidote for criticism by the right regarding the administration’s lack of enforcement of existing immigration laws. Carranza was used in four congressional committees and had even been invited to the White House.