Daybreak; A Romance of an Old World

by James Cowan

  CHAPTER XXIX.

  THE INDUSTRIAL PROBLEM.

  Thorwald continued as follows:

  "The unpleasant relations existing between the employers and theemployees created a host of troubles. It was an unreasonable feeling,because the interests of the two classes were identical. But as capitalwas consolidated and great corporations were formed for extensiveoperations in transportation and manufacturing, the relation between thetwo became very impersonal and difficult to control. In order to protecttheir interests the wage-earners organized into unions, brotherhoods,etc., almost every trade and calling having its own organization.

  "When these associations were first formed much stress was laid upontheir incidental benefits, such as assistance in time of sickness,care of the families of deceased members, the holding of meetingsfor discussion and mutual improvement, and the establishment ofreading-rooms and libraries. These commendable objects would have beena sufficient excuse for the existence of these bodies, and otherlegitimate ends might have been sought, but the labor unions did notstop there. They instituted and set in motion the powerful machineryof the strike, as it was called, making it effective by binding theirmembers, under severe penalties, to stop work when they were orderedto do so by their leaders. They also practiced the severest measuresof intimidation upon non-union men, to prevent them from gettingemployment.

  "Thus the trades-unions, too often governed by incompetent men, becamea mighty power for evil. Strikes and lockouts were common, and werefollowed by loss of wages and consequent suffering, while the bitternessof feeling between the two classes constantly increased. To meet therising power of the labor organizations, the employers felt obliged toform combinations among themselves and sometimes also to employ bodiesof armed men to protect their property. Then, when a strike came,conflicts would follow so serious that appeal had to be made to the lastresort, the military arm of the nation. Here another evil threatened,for the individual soldiers would sometimes prove to be in deep sympathywith the workmen who were making the trouble. At such crises, also,there would appear on the scene the anarchist, who wanted to overthrowsociety at once in the hope of bringing himself out nearer the top, andwho was kept comparatively harmless in quiet times.

  "You can imagine something of the disorder and apprehension causedby these troubles. No contract for work could be made without thestipulation that its fulfillment must depend upon freedom from strikesin that particular trade, and no man could start on a journey with anycertainty that he would be allowed to finish it in peace and at theappointed time.

  "To decide how these evils should be remedied proved to be one of thegreatest problems ever presented to the people of that age.

  "Political sages had long before promulgated the doctrine upon whichsociety was governed, that every man had a natural right to life,liberty, and his own method of pursuing happiness. Now, both sidesin the conflict claimed to be following closely the spirit of thisfundamental doctrine. The workingmen declared that they had a perfectright to organize and to induce all their number to join the unions.They said the individual relation between them and the employers had hadits day and that experience was proving to them that every concessionand privilege they hoped to get must come through their associations,working through the medium of an agent or committee. As independentcitizens they could not obey laws and regulations in the making of whichthey had no voice, and their love of personal liberty would not allowthem to accept the wages and hours of service which their employersmight, without asking their consent, choose to prescribe. In case ofdisagreement they asserted their right to stop the whole business, atwhatever loss to the employers or inconvenience to the public, and toprevent, if possible, new men from taking their places.

  "On the other hand, the employers, while not denying to the workmen theright to form associations for legitimate purposes, insisted that thisright was being abused. They claimed that they should be allowed to hirewhom they pleased and dismiss incompetent men when it was best for theirbusiness, without regard to their membership or non-membership in aunion.

  "As time went on the trouble increased and society was fast formingitself into classes with opposing aims and mutual dislike. The timehad been when a workman, by skill and diligence, could rise above hisstation and become a large proprietor himself. But with the new orderthis was hardly possible, and civilization, in this respect, seemed tobe retrogressing.

  "You may wonder why the lawmakers did not correct the evil at once, butthe fact was that the legislatures were made up of representatives fromthe two classes, and so were undecided as to what remedies to apply.It was proposed by some to enact a law preventing a man from sellinghimself into slavery, or, in other words, from giving up his libertyof action into the keeping of others, a thing which had caused muchsuffering. In every strike a large part of the men, earning small wagesand with families dependent on these wages for their bread from one dayto another, would be obliged to quit work against their will. It wasthought, therefore, a fit subject of legislation to enjoin them frombinding themselves to strike at the dictation of others, when it wasagainst their judgment. It was suggested, also, to make the intimidationor coercion of non-union men a criminal act.

  "When these measures were suggested the cry was raised that theworkingmen were to be deprived of their liberty and made the slaves ofcapital. The labor parties in the legislatures were assisted by aclass of politicians who were made cowards through fear of losing theworkingmen's votes, and this gave these parties the power to defeatall measures of which they disapproved, and to pass laws in their owninterest. They claimed that they should be protected as well as themanufacturer, and so they made it lawful for the government to inspectall industries and to see that the employees received an equitable shareof the profits. This was radical action, but they went still further,and took away from every employer the right of discharging men for anycause without the consent of the union; and full power to fix thehours of service and the wages was put into the hands of the governmentinspectors and the representatives of the trades-unions. The wageswere to be based on what the inspectors found to be the profits of thebusiness, and the help or advice of the proprietors was not to be taken.As these astonishing rules governed even the farmer and shopkeeperas well as the manufacturer, you can imagine that there was not muchsatisfaction in trying to carry on any business.

  "The laboring classes were beginning to discover that they were a largemajority of the community and that there was a mighty power in theballot. Their opponents, on the other hand, having lost the control inpolitics through universal suffrage, now bent their energies still moreto the work of combining large interests under one management, hoping towield in this way a power too formidable to be withstood. Immensetrusts were formed in almost every branch of business, and the syndicategradually took the place of the firm and individual corporation.

  "A long time previous to the period of which we are speaking, the peoplehad put part of their business into the hands of the government, withthe idea that it would be done with more promptness and also with moreeconomy. A good example of this was seen in the excellent mail service,which the national government conducted much more satisfactorily than itcould have been done by private enterprise.

  "The local governments, also, had full control of the highways andbridges and the common schools, hospitals, etc., while in largecommunities, at great expense, they stored and distributed water fordomestic and other purposes. As the people had received undoubtedbenefits from this state of things, there were few to object to it, andeven their objection was more for theoretical than practical reasons. Itis not strange, therefore, that as the troublous times approachedthese functions of the state should be multiplied. Besides the gain inconvenience and in cost that thus came to the people, they began torely on the strong arm of the government for protection from theuncertainties and interruptions incident to private control of manykinds of business.

  "As the telegraph and telephone came into more general use thegovernment found
it necessary to add their facilities to the mailservice, in order to give the people the best means of communication.From this point the step was soon taken of assuming control of allthe telegraph and telephone lines, in the interest of lower prices andbetter service. This was attended with such good results that itwas thought wise to extend the conveniences of the mail in anotherdirection; and instead of carrying a few small parcels the governmenttook into its hands the entire express business, and it was not longbefore everybody conceded it to be a good move.

  "At the same time, the municipal governments began to exhibit the samepaternal character. They first took control of the lighting and heatingfacilities, and this led in a short time to their furnishing the peoplewith fuel, which was generally brought from a distance, and which, inprivate hands, always had a way of going up in price at just the timewhen the poor people were obliged to buy it. For the sake of economy,also, the cities took possession of all street cars, cabs, andomnibuses.

  "Affairs had reached this condition when the labor troubles became soserious, and this absorption of private business by the government wasso recent and was in general so satisfactory, that men could but thinkof it in connection with their efforts to solve the industrial problems.The time had now come when some radical measures must be adopted topreserve and extend civilization. The labor party were abusing theirpower still more in making bad laws, and strikes became more frequent,and were followed by rioting and bloodshed. At length the interruptionsto business occasioned by the irregularities in traveling becameunbearable. The public demanded better service, but the railroadcompanies were powerless to render it, being in the hands of theemployees, who at the slightest grievance would stop every wheel tillthe dispute was settled. The trouble generally started with one road andspread to the others by sympathy, and the result was just as disastrousto business whether the men gained their end or not.

  "There had always been a party, although at times pretty feeble, infavor of government control of the entire transportation business. Thisparty now argued that that was the only thing that would cure theseevils, and they gained thereby many new adherents. When it wasconsidered that government ownership of the telegraph was working wellin spite of many adverse prophecies, the people began to entertainthe idea that it would perhaps be best to try the experiment withthe railroads, especially as it gave some promise of relief from thestrikes. To be sure, it would add to the government service immensenumbers of men, and increase a danger that had always been threatening,that of making too large a list of civil officers to be managed withoutgreat corruption.

  "But now it was not long before a large majority of the people asked tohave the trial made, and soon all railroads, canals, and steamboats werein the hands of the general government. The employees were formed intoan army, with officers of all grades, and put under strict militarydiscipline. At the least show of insubordination a man was discharged,never to be reemployed, and although this caused some hardship inindividual cases at first, it put an effectual stop to the strikesand kept business moving. The best of the workmen had been among thestrongest advocates of national ownership, and as the movement gainedin favor no class were so satisfied with the change as the employeesthemselves. Work was steady, wages were regular, faithfulness andlength of service were rewarded, and the aged and feeble were retired onpensions.

  "In this way peace had come in one department of labor, but war stillraged among the manufacturers and in the building and other trades. Theworkingmen literally held the reins in society, but did not know enoughto drive away from the rocks. Instead of taking advantage of shorterhours and higher wages to improve their minds and prepare themselvesfor a better condition, they were too apt to waste their energiesin denouncing the capitalists and in trying to force still greaterconcessions from their unwilling employers. They would loudly demandthat every ancient wrong endured by them should be redressed, and then,to show their idea of right, they would compel a builder, in the middleof a contract, where time was more precious than money, to givethem higher wages than had been agreed on; or they would boycott tobankruptcy a small shopkeeper who innocently bought goods that happenedto be made by non-union workmen.

  "But do not imagine that the wrong was all on one side. Therewere employers who were unjust and cruel when they had the power,unreasonable in argument, and boorish and exasperating in their manners.Many seemed to think they were a different class of beings because theyhad more money than their workmen, and they resented the idea of thelatter rising above the station in which they were born. They raisedwages only when forced to do so, and considered any amount of profitmade out of their men perfectly legitimate. When want came they wouldgive in charity to the unfortunate ones that which really belonged tothem by right. These disagreeable qualities were not possessed alone bysuch as were employers. There was a class of rich people not engaged inbusiness, and although they had the greatest interest in the perpetuityof society as it was, many of them considered themselves as members ofa superior caste, and looked down with disdain upon the majority ofmankind, and the real masters of the situation, who had to work fortheir daily bread.

  "It was against this class especially that anarchy was forging itsthunderbolt. The freedom of the press and freedom of speech gave thesocialist and anarchist the opportunity to promulgate their seditiousdoctrines, and they looked to the ignorant and depraved portions of thecommunity for adherents. By the successful risings of the people againstdespotic power the word 'revolution' had gained a certain nobility ofsound and meaning, and now these incendiaries employed it to mislead thecredulous. They promised an overturning by which all property and moneyshould become a common fund and be redistributed on a more equitablebasis, and it is perhaps not to be wondered at that some poor, ignorantones, seeing the vast inequalities in life, should be carried away withtheir arguments. The vision of a society where all should share alikeand live on the same scale of comfort was intoxicating. But the schemeof the anarchist was not based on love and a desire to promote truebrotherhood. Judging from the violent means proposed to bring aboutthe change, it seemed rather to be based on hate. In preaching theirdoctrine of personal license they were stealing the livery of freedom inwhich to serve their selfish lusts.

  "While the vicious and ignorant thus threatened society on the one hand,the accumulation of enormous wealth by a few fortunate, or unfortunate,men was thought by some to be a menace equally serious. It was arguedthat this could not go on without making the poor poorer and morenumerous, and thus emphasizing and perpetuating the separation of thetwo classes.

  "I need not point out to you a fact that you must realize, namely, thatthe spring of action with too many men, the one cause of the troublesthat really threatened the foundations of society, was selfishness.Can you imagine any danger from all these movements if men could havesuddenly become unselfish, really unselfish?

  "I hope I have not given you the idea that all the world of people hadlost their heads. As in the history of nations of that period war seemsto have been the principal occupation, so in the social life of thepeople the evils and dangers are most prominently seen. But all thistime there was a large party of men and women who were alive to theperils of the hour, and intent on seeking the best means to overcomethem. This party was made up of many representatives of every class,rich and poor, workingmen and employers, and included the great mass ofthe intelligent and thoughtful members of society.

  "The general and local governments were carrying on, with marked successand without friction, certain kinds of business, while in many otherdepartments there were disorder and possible ruin. Time brought nohealing power; the troubles increased and were now truly gigantic. Whereshould help be found?"

  As Thorwald paused here, the doctor, who, I thought, had been wanting tospeak for some time, took occasion to say:

  "Don't tell us, Thorwald, that this people turned over all theirbusiness, both industrial and professional, to the government, and mademachines of themselves. I am becoming exceedingly interested in t
hem andhope they found some better release from their woes. I am sure there area number of methods of relief which they might have tried."

  "I am glad you have spoken, Doctor," answered Thorwald, "or I might havetalked you to death. We must really break off now and get out of doors."

  Mona listened to different portions of the foregoing conversation.It was dull amusement for her, as we could see by her actions, and wewondered at first why she showed so little interest in it. She did notseem to realize the full significance of her unique position in ourcircle. As the last representative of the race of moon men, she hadnow the opportunity of learning something of the history of two sisterworlds, and one would suppose that she would have been eager to hearevery word we said. She had expressed herself more than once as anxiousto know all any of us could tell her, nor did she hesitate to askquestions continually--and intelligent questions, too. But she wassympathetic only in certain directions, having a laudable curiosity tohear about any of the pleasant phases of society, either on the earth oron Mars. But when Thorwald talked of the former troubles experienced byhis race, or when we compared these with the miseries of our own timeson the earth, Mona became an indifferent listener.

  She was sitting with us when Thorwald proposed the out-door exercise,and so we all went out together. As we walked, Thorwald said:

  "Mona, I fear you have not been enjoying my tedious talk this morning.You would be better pleased, I am sure, with some other topic."

  In her sweet accents, so charming to every ear, Mona responded:

  "I hope my lack of attention did not give you offense, Thorwald, but Ido not understand the things you have talked about to-day."

  "Not understand? Why, I know from former conversations with you thatsuch things are not beyond your comprehension."

  "Thank you," said Mona, "but I think they are, for I never before heardanything like the ideas you have advanced."

  "We shall all be glad to learn, then, how these questions were answeredand these wrongs righted by your ancestors."

  "They never had any such perplexities," responded Mona.

  "Which means, I presume," said Thorwald, "that the race became so faradvanced before your time that the records and traditions of their earlystruggles were all forgotten."

  "Oh, no," she sang out, "that's not it. What had they to struggle over?"

  "Was it then so easy for them to be just?" asked Thorwald.

  "Certainly, and I have been exceedingly surprised to learn by your longtalk that there is such a thing as injustice."

  We were all becoming thoroughly interested, but left it for Thorwald tocontinue his questions.

  "Mona," said he, "do you mean that your people, even in the remote past,were entirely ignorant of such troubles as we have been speaking about?"

  "Yes, and of all other troubles. I am sure there was always only peaceand happiness on the moon. Strife and hatred, sorrow, want, and miseryare all strange words to me, and entirely unknown except as I have heardthem in your conversation."

  "Was there never any sickness there?" I asked.

  "I don't know the meaning of the word," she replied. "Is it another itemin the general unpleasantness of the times you have been describing? Iwonder that your race, Thorwald, ever survived those rude days."

  "But," asked Thorwald, "what think you of the earth? The doctor and hiscompanion say their planet is now passing through just such a period."

  "Well, all I can say is that I am thankful I was not discovered tillafter the moon had deserted the earth."

  "Tell us more about your race," said the doctor. "Were they all as goodas you are?"

  "Just the same. There were no degrees in goodness."

  "And did they all sing as they talked, and in such sweet tones asyours?" I asked.

  "Oh, many sang better than I do, and all made music of their words. Inever heard speech that was not melodious till you and the doctor cameto see me."

  "And did everything else in your life there correspond to your charmingmanner of talking?" asked Thorwald.

  "Why, yes, I think so," answered Mona. "It was a delightful world.Everything was bright and joyous, with no shadow of discontent noranything to cause sadness or discomfort. Do you wonder that I could notsympathize with your story of wrongs and sorrows, the very nature ofwhich was a new revelation to me?"

  Mona's notions about the people whom she represented seemed strange andimprobable to us, and we attributed them to the influence of her ownguileless nature. One so innocent and whole-hearted as she was wouldnaturally clothe her ancestors with at least the virtues and graces sheherself possessed. However, we had no means of proving Mona's ideas tobe false. We had brought away from the moon no records of any kind bywhich to study its history, and of that history Mona was as yet ouronly interpreter. But every word she spoke on this subject only addedintensity to the pleasurable anticipation with which these Martianslooked forward to their study of the moon and its former inhabitants.