The Book of Memory

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by Mary Carruthers


  Bury’s time. Books can stay physically on their shelves in Paris and yet

  move to the centers of England and Rome, if they have been transmitted by

  one who imitates the prophet Ezekiel and first consumes (memorizes) their

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  contents. Everything from authoritative canons to the latest controversy is

  reported directly to him orally, memory to memory – not having to go

  through the unreliable medium of scribal copying. It is worth pausing over

  this last statement, for it is so foreign to modern assumptions that one

  may slide over it. The ignorant, word-scattering, cloudy-headed idiots who

  would erase (‘‘denigratum’’) or otherwise spoil the texts in transmitting

  them are the professional copyists and secretaries into whose charge the

  copying of books for university scholars had now passed. Bury is saying

  that he regards the memorial transmission of a trained cleric as more

  reliable than the written copy produced by one of these scribes.

  M E M O R Y , D I G E S T I O N , A N D R U M I N A T I O N I N M O N A S T I C

  R E A D I N G

  When one’s first relationship with a text is not to encounter another mind

  (or subdue it, as one suspects sometimes) or to understand it on its own

  terms, but to use it as a source of communally experienced wisdom for

  one’s own life, gained by memorizing from it however much and in

  whatever fashion one is able or willing to do; when one’s head is constantly

  filled with a chorus of voices available promptly and on any subject, how

  does such a relationship to the works of other writers differently define

  the meanings of such literary concepts as ‘‘reader,’’ ‘‘text,’’ ‘‘author?’’ In the

  next part of this chapter I would like to examine in some detail just what a

  medieval scholar meant when he said that he had read a book. I am not

  focusing here on the activity called lectio, ‘‘study,’’ though that is the word

  actually derived from legere, 22 but rather the activity which, in each

  individual reader, must succeed lectio in order to make it profitable, that

  is, meditatio.

  Hugh of St. Victor well defines the difference between lectio and med-

  itatio in his Didascalicon. Lectio, ‘‘reading’’ or ‘‘study,’’ trains one’s natural

  ingenium by the order and method (‘‘ordo et modus’’) of exposition and

  analysis, including the disciplines of grammar and dialectic. Meditation

  begins in study (‘‘principium sumit a lectione’’) but ‘‘is bound by none of

  study’s rules or precepts. For it delights to range along open ground, where

  it fixes its free gaze upon the contemplation of truth, drawing together now

  these, now those ideas, or now penetrating into profundities, leaving

  nothing doubtful, nothing obscure. The start of learning, thus, lies in lectio,

  but its consummation lies in meditation.’’23

  In Hugh of St. Victor’s De archa Noe, the ark of studies which one builds

  board by board in one’s memory, the entire process of learning centers in

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  meditation. The Ark of Wisdom/Prudence (‘‘arca sapientiae’’) has three

  storeys, which represent three stages of moral judgment: correct, useful,

  and habitual (rectus, utilis, necessarius). I am in the first storey of the ark

  when I begin to love to meditate on (that is, memorize) Scripture, and my

  thoughts freely (libenter) and often consider thereby the virtues of the

  saints, the works of God, and all things pertaining to moral life or to the

  exercise of the mind. I can then say that my knowledge is correct, but it is

  not yet useful, for of what use is knowledge hidden away and inactive? But

  if I not only know but act in a way that is good and useful, so that the

  virtues I have learned to admire in others I make my own (‘‘meas faciam’’)

  by disciplining myself to conform at least outwardly to right living, then I

  can say that the understanding of my heart is useful, and I will then ascend

  to the second storey. When the virtue I display in works is mine internally

  as well, when my goodness is completely habitual (that is, a state of being)

  and necessary to me, then I ascend to the third storey, where knowledge

  and virtue become essential parts of me (become ‘‘familiar’’ or ‘‘domesti-

  cated,’’ to use another common metaphor).24 What Hugh describes here is

  a process of completely internalizing what one has read (and one must

  remember that habitus is used like Greek hexis in all these discussions), and

  the agency by which this is accomplished is meditatio, the process of

  memory-training, storage, and retrieval.

  Petrarch supplies one of the most revealing analyses of reading in the late

  Middle Ages. Like Ockham, Petrarch was clearly no backward provincial,

  clinging to outmoded ways of study. Yet Petrarch’s name is linked with

  those of Cicero and Thomas Aquinas in many Renaissance memory texts as

  one of the chief proponents of an artificial memory system, a reputation

  that seems to be based not on his having written a book of memorial

  technique but on his copious florilegial collection of commonplaces,

  Rerum memorandarum libri. 25

  Petrarch was greatly devoted to the writing of St. Augustine. He carried

  a pocket-sized copy of the Confessions everywhere with him, and used it

  on at least one occasion for sortes Augustinianae exactly on the model of

  Augustine’s own sortes Biblicae in the garden, recounted in Confessions

  V I I I .26 The very custom of using books for sortes is an interesting example

  of regarding books as personal sources whose function is to provide

  memorial cues to oneself, divine influences being able to prophesy through

  the images of letters on the page just as they can during sleep through the

  images written in the memory.

  Petrarch composed three dialogues with Augustine which he called his

  Secretum, not designed for publication until after his death.27 In these he

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  confesses his doubts and sins to the saint through the mouth of his persona,

  Francesco. Francesco bewails the frailty of his body, the disgust he feels for

  Milan, ‘‘the most melancholy and disorderly of towns’’ which assails his

  soul daily with its clamor and dirt. Augustine reminds him of many literary

  works addressing this problem, including one of his own; do these not help

  him? Well, yes, says Francesco,

  at the time of reading, much help; but no sooner is the book from my hands than

  all my feeling for it vanishes.

  A U G : This way of reading is become common now; there is such a mob of lettered

  men . . . But if you would imprint in their own places secure notes [suis locis

  certas notas impresseris] you would then gather the fruit of your reading.

  F R A N : What notes?

  A U G : Whenever you read a book and meet with any wholesome maxims by which

  you feel your soul stirred or enthralled, do not trust merely to the powers of

  your native abilities [viribus ingenii fidere], but make a point of learning them

  by heart and making them quite familiar by meditating on them . . . so that


  whenever or where some urgent case of illness arises, you have the remedy as

  though written in your mind . . . When you come to any passages that seem

  to you useful, impress secure marks against them, which may serve as hooks

  in your memory [uncis memoria], lest otherwise they might fly away.28

  The margins of Petrarch’s books are full of such marks. 29 This passage

  makes quite clear that Petrarch used them, at least in part as did Grosseteste,

  to construct his mental concordance of texts, each hooked into its own

  place in his memory by a key. There they provide the matter for prudence,

  the experience upon which Francesco can draw in need, a remedy for

  distress written in the mind (‘‘velut in animo conscripta’’). The process

  whereby what he takes from his texts is imprinted (‘‘impressere’’) is

  meditation.

  And it is clear from what he says that such memorizing is done according

  to a learned and practiced technique. One does not rely upon ingenium,

  ‘‘aptitude,’’ one hides the fruits of reading in the recesses of memory (‘‘in

  memorie penetralibus’’)30 and through practice makes one’s reading fami-

  liar to oneself, domesticates it (to use Albertus Magnus’s word), makes it

  one’s own. Perhaps no advice is as common in medieval writing on the

  subject, and yet so foreign, when one thinks about it, to the habits of

  modern scholarship as this notion of making one’s own what one reads in

  someone else’s work. ‘‘Efficere tibi illas familiares’’, Augustine’s admon-

  ition to Francesco, does not mean ‘‘familiar’’ in quite the modern sense.

  Familiaris is rather a synonym of domesticus, that is, to make something

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  familiar by making it a part of your own experience. This adaptation

  process allows for a tampering with the original text that a modern scholar

  would (and does) find quite intolerable, for it violates most of our notions

  concerning accuracy, objective scholarship, and the integrity of the text.

  Modern scholars learn all they can about a text, making sure they know the

  meaning of every word in it. So did medieval scholars; that was what lectio

  was for. But a modern scholar is concerned primarily with getting the text

  objectively right, treating it as an ultimate and sole authority. We are

  taught to legitimate our reading (by which we mean our interpretation

  or understanding) solely by the text; we see ourselves as its servants, and

  although both the possibility and the utility of such absolute objectivity

  have been called into question many times over the last century, this

  attitude remains a potent assumption in scholarly debate, even for those

  most wedded to reader-response theories.

  But the medieval scholar’s relationship to his texts is quite different from

  modern objectivity. Reading is to be digested, to be ruminated, like a cow

  chewing her cud, or like a bee making honey from the nectar of flowers.

  Reading is memorized with the aid of murmur, mouthing the words

  subvocally as one turns the text over in one’s memory; both Quintilian

  and Martianus Capella stress how murmur accompanies meditation. It is

  this movement of the mouth that established rumination as a basic meta-

  phor for memorial activities. 31 The process familiarizes a text to a medieval

  scholar, in a way like that by which human beings may be said to familiarize

  their food. It is both physiological and psychological, and it changes both

  the food and its consumer. Gregory the Great writes, ‘‘We ought to trans-

  form what we read within our very selves, so that when our mind is stirred

  by what it hears, our life may concur by practicing what has been heard.’’32

  Hugh of St. Victor writes of walking through the forest (silva) of Scripture,

  ‘‘whose ideas [sententias] like so many sweetest fruits, we pick as we read

  and chew [ruminamus] as we consider them.’’33

  The various stages of the reading process are succinctly described at the

  end of Hugh of St. Victor’s Chronicle Preface (Appendix A). All exegesis

  emphasized that understanding was grounded in a thorough knowledge of

  the littera, and for this one had to know grammar, rhetoric, history, and all

  the other disciplines that give information, the work of lectio. But one takes

  all of that and builds upon it during meditation; this phase of reading is

  ethical in its nature, or ‘‘tropological’’ (turning the text onto and into one’s

  self) as Hugh defines it. I think one might best begin to understand the

  concept of levels in exegesis as stages (gradus, ‘‘stairs’’) of a continuous

  action, and the four-fold way (or three-fold, as the case may be) as a useful

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  mnemonic for readers, reminding them of how to complete the entire

  reading process. Littera and allegoria (grammar and typological history) are

  the work of lectio and are essentially informative about a text; tropology

  and anagogy are the activities of digestive meditation and constitute the

  ethical activity of making one’s reading one’s own.

  The ruminant image is basic to understanding what was involved in

  memoria as well as meditatio, the two being understood as the agent and its

  activity. Though monastic theology developed the idea of meditation in

  terms of prayer and psalmody, its basis in the functions of memory

  continued to be emphasized. Ruminatio is an image of regurgitation,

  quite literally intended; the memory is a stomach, the stored texts are the

  sweet-smelling cud originally drawn from the gardens of books (or lecture),

  they are chewed on the palate. Gregory the Great says that in Scripture

  ‘‘uenter mens dicitur,’’ thereby adding uenter to cor as a synonym for

  memory in Scripture.34 Six centuries later, Hugh of St. Victor, discussing

  memoria in Didascalicon, says that it is imperative to replicate frequently

  the matter one has memorized and placed in the little chest, arcula, of one’s

  memory, and ‘‘to recall it from the stomach of memory to the palate.’’35

  Composition is also spoken of as ruminatio. In one of his sermons,

  Augustine says that he has been caught unexpectedly by a mistake in the

  day’s reading – the lector read the wrong text. ‘‘Since I hadn’t prepared a

  sermon for your graces on this subject, I acknowledge that it is a comm-

  mand from the Lord [through the lector’s error] that I should deal with it.

  What I intended today, you see, was to leave you all chewing the cud [vos

  in ruminatione permittere] . . . So may the Lord our God himself grant

  me sufficient capacity and you some useful listening.’’36 Nothing in the

  sermon text we now have distinguishes this sermon from Augustine’s pre-

  meditated ones. Even assuming editorial revision, convention evidently

  required that an orator’s improvisations be as artfully composed as any

  other work. To speak ex tempore requires a well-provided, well-practiced,

  and accessible inventory, as Augustine compellingly demonstrates in this

  sermon.

  Another example, the most famous of all, is in Bede’s account of the

  English poet, Caedmon, who ch
anged what he learned by hearing in lectio,

  or sermons, into sweetest poetry by recollecting it within himself (‘‘reme-

  morandum rerum’’) and ruminating like a clean animal (‘‘quasi mundum

  animal ruminendo’’).37 Caedmon’s rumination occurs at night, the opti-

  mal time for such activity; the fact that he was a cowherd may be coin-

  cidental to the story, but Bede emphasizes it so much that one suspects he

  thought the detail significant in the context. Philip West has suggested that

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  his profession suits his ruminative activities; perhaps the ancient link

  between poets and ruminative animals, found in many cultures, has

  some connection with the rumination of composition.

  Metaphors which use digestive activities are so powerful and tenacious

  that digestion should be considered another basic functional model for the

  complementary activities of reading and composition, collection and rec-

  ollection. Unlike the heart, no medical tradition seems to have placed any

  of the sensory-processing functions in the stomach, but ‘‘the stomach of

  memory’’ as a metaphoric model had a long run. Milton, his biographers

  agree, mentally composed a store of verses each day, which he then dictated

  to a secretary. John Aubrey comments that while Milton had a good

  natural memory, ‘‘I believe that his excellent method of thinking and

  disposing did much to help his memory,’’ a clear reference to the kind of

  training, disciplined practice, and deliberate design (‘‘disposing’’) that had

  always been features of classical memory-training. And Milton’s anony-

  mous biographer, speaking also of his mental composition, remarks that if

  the poet’s secretary were late, ‘‘he would complain, saying he wanted to be

  milked.’’38

  Likening the products of mental rumination to those of digestion led to

  some excellent comedy; one thinks at once of Rabelais and of Chaucer’s

  Summoner’s Tale. But the metaphor was also realized seriously. There is a

  remarkably graphic statement of it in the Regula monachorum ascribed to

  Jerome, though composed probably in the twelfth century. The writer

  speaks of the various stomach rumblings, belchings, and fartings that

  accompany the nightly gathering of the monks in prayer. But, he contin-

 

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