3 Appian, BC 5. 122–126, 131, Dio 49. 11. 2–12. 5, 15. 3, Velleius Paterculus 2. 80. 1– 4, with Syme (1960), pp.232 – 233.
4 Appian, BC 5. 131; on the use of slaves in Octavian’s fleet see Suetonius, Augustus 16. 1, Dio 47. 17. 4, 48. 49. 1, 49. 1. 5, the last passage implying that they were given freedom on discharge.
5 Dio 49. 32. 1–2, Velleius Paterculus2. 82. 3.
6 Plutarch, Antony 53–54, Appian, BC 5. 95, 138, Dio 49. 33. 3–4, with Grant (1972), pp.150–153, Osgood (2006), p. 336, and Syme (1960), p. 265.
7 Plutarch, Antony 52, 54, Dio 49. 33. 1–2.
8 Dio 49. 17. 1–18. 7, 50. 1. 4, Appian, BC 5. 127, 133–144, Velleius Paterculus 2. 79.
5.
9 Plutarch, Antony 53. The passage tends to be summarily dismissed by modern biographers of Cleopatra, for example, Grant (1972), p. 152, J. Tyldesley, Cleopatra: Last Queen of Egypt (2009), pp.165–166, and J. Fletcher, Cleopatra the Great: The Woman Behind the Legend (2008), pp.272 – 273. However, just because there were strong political reasons for Antony to rebuff Octavia does not necessarily mean that there was not also genuine — perhaps even extreme — emotion involved as well.
10 Plutarch, Antony 54.
11 Appian, Illyrian Wars 16–28, Dio 49. 34. 1–38. 4, and the useful summary by E. Gruen in CAH2 X, pp.171–174; for the punishments see Dio 49. 38. 4, Suetonius, Augustus 24. 2.
12 Suetonius, Augustus 28. 3, Pliny, NH 36. 121, and for discussion see N. Purcell in CAH2 X, pp.782 –789.
13 Plutarch, Antony 36, 52–53, Dio 49. 33. 1–3, 39. 1–40. 2, Syme (1960), p. 262, citing PIR1, P 835.
14 Plutarch, Antony 54, Dio 49. 40. 3–4, Velleius Paterculus 2. 82. 3–4, with comments in Grant (1972), pp.161–162, and Pelling in CAH2 X, p. 40.
15 Dio 49. 40. 4.
16 Plutarch, Antony 54, Dio 49. 41. 1–6, with Pelling in CAH2 X, pp.40–41, Osgood (2006), pp.338–339, Grant (1972), pp.162–175, J. Bingen, Hellenistic Egypt: Monarchy, Society, Economy, Culture (2007), pp.78– 79, G. Hölbl, A History of the Ptolemaic Empire (trans. T. Saavedra) (2001), pp.244–245, Tyldesley (2009), pp.168–169, Fletcher (2008), pp.274– 276, and M. Chauveau, Egypt in the Age of Cleopatra (trans. D. Lorton) (2000), p.27.
XXVI IS SHE MY WIFE?
1 Dio 49. 39. 1.
2 Dio 47. 15. 2–3, 48. 43. 2, 49. 43. 6–7; runaway slaves as magistrates, 48. 34. 5.
3 Dio 50. 5. 1; on coins of Antyllus, see M. Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage (1974), p. 543.
4 Plutarch, Antony 8, and cf.; for the story told of Antony’s father see Plutarch, Antony 1.
5 Plutarch, Antony 4.
6 Pliny, NH 9. 119–121; for another alleged wager see Plutarch, Antony 58, although in 59 he was sceptical of the truth of some of the stories he lists, and see also Pliny, NH 21.122.
7 Horace, Satires 2. 3.239–42, Valerius Maximus 9. 1.2, Pliny, NH 9. 122; Suetonius, Caligula 37. 1, and cf. his wife who wore emeralds and pearls to the value of 10 million denarii and carried the receipts around to prove it, Pliny, NH 9. 117; for Servilia see Suetonius, Caesar 50. 2, and for Britain, Suetonius, Caesar 47.
8 The fullest discussion is to be found in B. Ullman, ‘Cleopatra’s Pearls, The Classical Journal 52. 5 (Feb. 1957), pp.193–201.
9 Velleius Paterculus 2. 83. 1–2, with J. Osgood, Caesar’s Legacy: Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire (2006), pp.276– 280; on dancing, see Cicero, Pro Murena 13.
10 Horace, Odes 1. 37. 14, Propertius 3. II, Plutarch, Roman Questions 112, Moralia 291 A, with M. Grant, Cleopatra (1972), pp.178–179.
11 Seneca, Moralia 87. 16, with Grant (1972), p. 179; for the ‘Parasite’see ch. 20, fn. 19.
12 P. van Minnen, ‘An Official Act of Cleopatra with a Subscription in her Own Hand’, Ancient Society 30 (2000), pp.29–34, with P. van Minnen, ‘A Royal Ordinance of Cleopatra and Related Documents’, in S. Walker & S. Ashton (eds.), Cleopatra Reassessed (2003), pp.35–44, esp. 40–41.
13 For discussion of the mood of the times see Osgood (2006), pp.298–349.
14 Dio 49. 15. 5–6, 38. 1.
15 For discussions of the propaganda war, see K. Scott, ‘The Political Propaganda of 44–30 BC’, Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 11 (1933), pp.7–49, esp. 33–49, Osgood (2006), pp.335–349, C. Pelling in CAH2 X, pp.40–48, and R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (1960), pp.276– 278; Suetonius, Caesar 52.2 on the pamphlet written by Caius Oppius denying that Caesarion was Caesar’s son.
16 Pliny, NH 14. 148; Caesar and the public oath, Dio 43. 20. 4.
17 Suetonius, Augustus 69. 2; praise for Octavia’s beauty led J. Fletcher, Cleopatra the Great: The Woman Behind the Legend (2008), p. 256, to suggest that this was in direct contrast to Cleopatra’s carefully presented looks and hairstyles.
18 Suetonius, Augustus 69. 1.
19 Plutarch, Comparison between Antony and Demetrius 4, with Grant (1972), p. 188, and Pelling in CAH2 X, p. 43; on Hercules and Omphale see P. Zanker, The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus (trans. A. Shapiro) (1988), pp.57–65, and esp. 58–60.
20 Plutarch, Antony 55–56, Dio 49. 44. 3, 50. 1. 1–2. 2.
21 Dio 50. 2. 4, with Pelling in CAH2 X, pp.67–68.
22 Dio 49. 41. 4, 50. 2. 2–4.
23 Dio 50. 2. 5–7; on magic potions see Dio 49. 34. 1, and Josephus, AJ 15. 93.
24 Velleius Paterculus 2. 83. 3.
25 Plutarch, Antony 58, Suetonius, Augustus 17. 1, Dio 50. 3. 1–4. 1, with J. Johnson, ‘The Authenticity and Validity of Antony’s Will’, L’Antiquité Classique 47 (1978), pp.494–503. The latter suggests that Antony may have employed a form of the military will, which in later periods permitted soldiers to name non-citizens as heirs. Caesar introduced an early form of this, but its details are unknown, making this no more than a possibility.
26 Suetonius, Caesar 79. 3, Dio 50. 5. 4.
27 Plutarch, Antony 58–59, Horace, Epodes 9. I1–16, on the shame of Romans serving a foreign queen and her eunuchs, and Propertius 3. 11 on the threat Cleopatra posed.
28 Velleius Paterculus 2. 86. 3 for Asinius Pollio; on the oath see The Res Gestae of the Divine Augustus 25. 2–3, Suetonius, Augustus 17.2, with discussion in Osgood (2006), pp.357–368; Syme (1960), p.278, fn. 3, claims that more than 300 senators went to Antony, and his authority is one of the main reasons this figure is so often repeated as fact rather than inference.
29 Suetonius, Augustus 63. 2.
XXVII WAR
1 Plutarch, Antony 56–57, M. Grant, Cleopatra (1972), pp.193–197.
2 In general, Plutarch, Antony 56, with J. Osgood, Caesar’s Legacy: Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire (2006), pp.370–371; Valerius Maximus 1. 1. 19, Dio 51. 8. 3 for Turullius.
3 Plutarch, Caesar, 48, Antony 56, 61–6, with C. Pelling (ed.), Plutarch: Life of Antony (1988), pp.266–267 and 270–271.
4 Plutarch, Antony 58, who says that most of the stories were not believed.
5 Seneca, Suasoriae 1. 6, cf. Plutarch, Antony 57, with Pelling (1988), pp.258–259.
6 Plutarch, Comparison between Demetrius and Antony 1 and 4 seem to imply a marriage, not suggested at Antony 31, 53; for discussion of the question see Pelling (1988), pp.219– 220, R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (1960), pp.261, 274, 277 and 280, and G. Hölbl, A History of the Ptolemaic Empire (trans. T. Saavedra) (2001), p. 244. Livy, Pers. 131 claims that after the Donations of Alexandria in 34 BC Antony began to treat Cleopatra like a wife, but does not actually say a formal marriage occurred. Late sources claiming a marriage include Eutropius 7. 6. 2, Orosius 6. 19. 4, and Athenaeus, Deipnosophists 4. 147; Virgil, Aeneid 8. 688 — sequiturque nefas Aegyptia coniunx; for a range of views see J. Tyldesley, Cleopatra: Last Queen of Egypt (2009), pp.169–170, J. Fletcher, Cleopatra the Great: The Woman Behind the Legend (2008), pp.264–265, who argues for a marriage as early as 37 BC, and Grant (1972), p. 186.
7 Josephus, AJ 15. 108–120, Plutarch, Antony 61, with Pelling (1988), pp.267–268, and Grant (1972), pp.196 and 27, n. 51.
&n
bsp; 8 Velleius Paterculus 2. 84. 2.
9 Plutarch, Antony 56, 59, with Pelling (1988), p.263.
10 Plutarch, Antony 56, with Pelling (1988), pp.255–256, and CAH2 X, pp.50–51, Grant (1972), pp.195–196, Tyldesley (2009), pp.173–174, and on resentment of Rome in the east see Osgood (2006), pp.340–344.
11 Plutarch, Antony 56–57, 59.
12 Dio 50. 4. 1–6. 1, Livy 1. 32 for a detailed account of the ceremony written after Octavian had revived it; see also J. Rich, Declaring War in the Roman Republic in the Period of Transmarine Expansion (1976), pp.56–58 and 104–107.
XXVIII ACTIUM
1 Plutarch, Antony 58, Dio 50. 9. 1–22 argues that Antony planned a quick offensive, but lost heart when he mistook some enemy patrol ships for the whole fleet; Livy, Pers. 132 claims Antony planned and prepared an invasion of Italy, but does not say why it did not occur, merely stating that Octavian crossed to Epirus; on the impact of taxation and the mood of Italy see J. Osgood, Caesar’s Legacy: Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire (2006), pp.368–370.
2 On the forces see Plutarch, Antony 61, with C. Pelling (ed.), Plutarch: Life of Antony (1988), pp.266–269, Dio 50. 6. 2–6 gives no numbers, for discussion see P. Brunt, Italian Manpower 225 BC—AD 14 (1971), pp.500–507, and J. Carter, The Battle of Actium: The Rise and Triumph of Augustus Caesar (1970), pp.188–189 and 202–203.
3 On the crew of a quinquereme see Polybius 1.26. 7, and see also J. Morrison & J. Coates, Greek and Roman Oared Warships (1996), pp.259–260, 270–272 and 312–317, with the review by W. Murray, ‘The Development and Design of Greek and Roman Warships (399–30 BC)’, JRA 12 (1999), pp.520–525, esp. 523–524, where it is argued that ramming was an important, perhaps the main, tactic of the largest galleys; see also M. Pitassi, The Navies of Rome (2009), esp. pp.191–197.
4 Dio 50. 9. 3, Plutarch, Antony 56.
5 Pelling (1988), pp.259–260, and CAH2 X, pp.52 and 55, M. Grant, Cleopatra (1972), pp.197–198, and R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (1960), pp.294– 295.
6 Dio 50. 9. 3 noted that both strategy and supply encouraged Antony to disperse his forces; on the preparations at Actium see Dio 50. 12. 7–8.
7 Dio 50. 9. 5 –6; Plutarch, Antony 62 has a variation of this story, claiming that Octavian offered to withdraw from the coast of Italy and let Antony land unmolested.
8 Dio 50. 10. 1.
9 Dio 50. 11. 3; for insights into problems of long-range operations in the Roman period, see B. Rankov, ‘The Second Punic War at Sea', in T. Cornell, B. Rankov & P. Sabin (eds.), The Second Punic War: A Reappraisal (1996), pp.49–56, esp. 49–52.
10 Plutarch, Antony 62, with Pelling (1988), pp.271–272, for the double meaning of ‘ladle'; Dio 50. 11. 4–12. 3, and 50. 17. for the quote, taken from the Loeb translation by E. Cary.
11 Plutarch, Antony 63, Dio 50. 12. 4–13. 4, with Pelling in CAH2 X, pp.55–56, Osgood (2006), pp.372–373, and Carter (1970), pp.203–213. A well-illustrated account of the campaign is provided in S. Sheppard, Actium: Downfall of Antony and Cleopatra, Osprey Campaign Series 211 (2009).
12 Dio 50. 13. 5, Velleius Paterculus 2. 84. 2, Plutarch, Antony 68.
13 Plutarch, Antony 63, Dio 50. 13. 5–14. 4.
14 Plutarch, Antony 59, 63, Velleius Paterculus 2. 84. 2, Dio 50. 13. 6, 14. 3, with Osgood (2006), pp.372 –373, and Syme (1960), p. 296, on the defections; see Osgood (2006), pp.263–264 for the career of Sarmentus, who also appears in Horace, Satires 1.
15 Dio 50. 13. 7–8.
16 On numbers see Pelling (1988), pp.276–277, W. Murray & P. Petsas, Octavian ‘s Campsite Memorial for the Actian War, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 79. 4 (1989), pp.34–57, 95–114 and 133–134.
17 See Carter (1970), pp.213–227.
18 Pliny, NH 32. 2 tells a bizarre story of Antony’s flagship being halted in the water by a small fish gripping onto its hull.
19 For the battle see Plutarch, Antony 64–66, 68, Dio 50. 14. 4–35. 6, with Osgood (2006), pp.374–375 and 380–382, Grant (1972), pp.206–215, and Pelling (1988), pp.278–289, and D. Harrington, ‘The Battle of Actium – a Study in Historiography’, Ancient World 9. 1–2 (1984), pp.59–64.
20 Plutarch, Antony 68, Dio 51. 1. 4–3. 1, Velleius Paterculus 2. 85. 5–6, with L. Keppie, The Making of the Roman Army (1984), pp.134–136.
21 Plutarch, Antony 66; Josephus, Against Apion 2. 59 is the earliest author to accuse Cleopatra of treachery, and is followed by Dio 50. 33. 1–5.
XXIX ‘AFINE DEED’
1 Dio 51. 1, 5, and Plutarch, Antony 67, 69 with C. Pelling (ed.), Plutarch: Life of Antony (1988), pp.285– 287, 289, including discussions of the similarities to his account of Pompey’s escape from Pharsalus; on forces see P. Brunt, Italian Manpower 225 BC—AD 14 (1971), pp.500–507, where it is argued that even if Octavian did not have many more legions than Antony, these were significantly larger in size; on Pinarius see R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (1960), pp.128 and 66.
2 Dio 51. 5. 2–5, Josephus, Against Apion 2. 58; on the music and garlands when her ships entered the harbour see the comment in G. Goudchaux, ‘Cleopatra’s Subtle Religious Strategy’, in S. Walker & P. Higgs (eds.), Cleopatra of Egypt: From History to Myth (2001), pp.128–141, esp. 140; J. Tyldesley, Cleopatra: Last Queen of Egypt (2009), p. 181, doubts the executions on the implausible basis that Cleopatra needed the support of the Alexandrians; J. Fletcher, Cleopatra the Great: The Woman Behind the Legend (2008), p. 297, suggests the temples willingly gave the queen their treasures; M. Grant, Cleopatra (1972), pp.217–218 and p. 275, n.7, on the priests of Upper Egypt. The source is Pseudo-Acro’s commentary on Horace, Odes 1. 37, 23.
3 Strabo, Geog. 17. 1. 9, Plutarch, Antony 69–70, with Pelling (1988), pp.91– 93, and G. Grimm, ‘Alexandria in the Time of Cleopatra’, in S. Walker & S. Ashton (eds.), Cleopatra Reassessed (2003), pp.45 –49, esp. 49.
4 Plutarch, Antony 68.
5 Plutarch, Antony 71, Dio 51. 2. 1–6, 4. 1, 5. 1, Josephus, AJ 15. 183–198; in general see J. Osgood, Caesar’s Legacy: Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire (2006), pp.375–378 and 385–390.
6 Dio 51. 3. 1–4. 8.
7 See Pelling (1988), pp.289– 291, and Osgood (2006), pp.387–388, citing ILS 2672 for fortifications on the Spanish coast.
8 Dio 51. 6. 3–7. 1, Plutarch, Antony 69, who says that Antony was fifty-three and Cleopatra thirty-nine when they died. Since the ancients did not have a zero, this would imply that each was in fact a year younger. However, their probable dates of birth make this unlikely. Plutarch, Antony 71, with Pelling (1988), pp.295–296.
9 Plutarch, Antony 71.
10 Plutarch, Antony 71, Dio 51. 6. 1–2.
11 Dio 51. 6. 4–8. 7, Plutarch, Antony 72–73, with Pelling (1988), pp.297–300.
12 Dio 51. 7. 2–7, Josephus, AJ 15. 195.
13 Plutarch, Antony 74.
14 For Gallus, see Syme (1960), pp.75 and 252–253.
15 Dio 51. 9. 1–6, Plutarch, Antony 74, with Pelling (1988), p. 300.
16 Dio 51. 10. 1–4, Plutarch, Antony 74.
17 Plutarch, Antony 75, with Pelling (1988), pp.302–304.
18 Dio 51. 10. 4–5, Plutarch, Antony 76; see Grant (1972), pp.222–223, who doubts treachery and sees the defections as due to the hopelessness of the situation.
19 Plutarch, Antony 76, Dio 51. 10. 5–7, with Grimm (2003), pp.48–49, on the mausoleum’s location and design.
20 Dio 51. 10. 6–9, Plutarch, Antony 76–77, with Pelling (1988), pp.305–308; see also Grant (1972), pp.222–223, and Tyldesley (2009), p. 186; Fletcher (2008), pp.309–310 suggests that Cleopatra believed Antony was dead before going to the tomb.
21 Plutarch, Antony 80, Dio 51. 16. 4, with Suetonius, Augustus 89. 1, which refers to his association with Areius and other scholars, but also his limited fluency in Greek.
22 Dio 51. 11. 1 –4, and 14. 3 for the eunuch, Plutarch, Antony 78–79.
23 On Antony’s funeral see Tyldesley (2009), pp.195–196, and F
letcher (2008), p. 312.
24 Dio 51. 11. 3, 5–13., Plutarch, Antony 82–83, with Pelling (1988), pp.313–316, Florus 2. 21. 9–10.
25 Plutarch, Antony 84.
26 Grant (1972), pp.225–226, argues that it was better for Octavian to let the queen die.
27 Strabo, Geog. 17. 1. 10.
28 Dio 51. 13. 4–14. 6, Plutarch, Antony 84–86, with Pelling (1988), pp.316–322, Velleius Paterculus 2. 87. 1; see also Grant (1972), pp.224–228, Tyldesley (2009), pp.189–195, Fletcher (2008), pp.314–319, E. Rice, Cleopatra (1999), pp.86–91, P. Green, Alexander to Actium: The Historical Evolution of the Hellenistic Age (1990), pp.679–682, and G. Hölbl, A History of the Ptolemaic Empire (trans. T. Saavedra) (2001), pp.248–249.
CONCLUSION: HISTORY AND THE GREAT ROMANCE
1 Dio 51. 14. 3–4, 15. 1, 16. 3–5, Suetonius, Augustus 17. 3–5.
2 Dio 51. 16. 5 –17. 1, 6–8, Plutarch, Antony 86, with C. Pelling (ed.), Plutarch: Life of Antony (1988), p. 323, and G. Goudchaux, ‘Cleopatra’s Subtle Religious Strategy’, in S. Walker & P. Higgs (eds.), Cleopatra of Egypt: From History to Myth (2001), pp.128–141, esp. p. 140; Pliny, NH 9. 121 on the pearl, with E. Gruen, ‘Cleopatra in Rome: Fact and Fantasies’, in D. Braund & C. Gill (eds.), Myths, History and Culture in Republican Rome: Studies in Honour of T. P. Wiseman (2003), pp.257–274, esp. 59.
3 Velleius Paterculus 2. 86. 1–3, 87. 2–3, R. Syme, The Roman Revolution (1960), pp.296– 297 and 299–300, and J. Osgood, Caesar’s Legacy: Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire (2006), pp.276– 280.
4 Dio 51. 15. 5, Plutarch, Antony 81.
5 Plutarch, Antony 81, Dio 51. 15. 5 –6; quote from Homer, Iliad 2. 203–207 (Latimore translation, University of Chicago, 1951).
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