Turkish Awakening

by Alev Scott

  The chasm between those who have grown up during Erdoğan’s leadership and those who have not is huge – they have such different responses to his style of leadership, and whether or not he is entitled to his high-handed decision-making. Erdoğan has done a magnificent job of winning the hearts and minds of the traditional working classes and emerging middle classes of Turkey, but he has neglected a highly motivated, educated youth who are now speaking up. Previously, his strength lay in going unchallenged by apathetic opponents. That situation has been irrevocably changed in the wake of the Gezi protests.

  On the evening of 8 June, Erdoğan met with Cemil Çiçek, the speaker of parliament, at Dolmabahçe Palace in Istanbul, to discuss the protests. Outside, a mighty, disembodied roar called for the prime minister’s resignation. ‘Everywhere is Taksim. Everywhere is resistance. Tayyip – resign!’ Its source was a huge mass of Fenerbahçe football fans surging outside the palace on their way to Taksim Square, blowing whistles and banging drums like uniformed revolutionaries. Jostled by Fenerbahçe fans outside the palace, I wondered how Erdoğan felt at that point. It is hard to dismiss the voices of thousands of people demanding your resignation uncomfortably close at hand. The clamour certainly did not sound like it could have come from a negligible group of foreign agitators and marginal extremists, as he has always claimed. It must have hurt even more considering Erdoğan himself is a Fenerbahçe fan.

  That roar of criticism did not chasten Erdoğan. It incensed him. He has often painted himself as a victim of anti-democracy, and his reaction to criticism is almost always anger – a very Turkish trait. He admitted that the protests were about him. His leadership was what, ironically, united all those against him. The protesters in Ankara, Istanbul, Eskişehir and Antakya were disparate and scattered. They didn’t have a leader but they almost didn’t need one because they had an anti-leader, a focus for their energies. Tayyip, istifa! (‘Tayyip, resign!’) was the most common chant in Taksim Square and in squares across Turkey. Tens of thousands of Turks were not protesting because of Gezi Park. They all had their various grievances, from Erdoğan’s Syrian stance to his attempt to outlaw abortion to his restrictions on alcohol consumption, but they had one thing in common: resentment of their prime minister.

  A question occurred to me after the initial excitement of Gezi died down: What would Atatürk say about these protests, and the direction the country is going in? Back in 1927 he warned the Turkish youth about ‘the enemy at home’ – did he mean the tear gas-wielding, democratically elected government or the banner-wielding, motley crew of protesters? I would like to believe that he would approve of the courageous and determined struggle of those fighting, and indeed dying, for a better democracy. I asked a Turkish friend to get a second opinion. He laughed and said, ‘If Atatürk were in government he would be cracking the whip like crazy. If he were a protester he would have staged a coup by now.’ I would like to live in a Turkey where I could say something like that without fearing imprisonment, and at the same time be acknowledged as someone who is respectful but realistic about a national hero. When I look back at the founding of the republic, it seems like Atatürk put together the broken pieces of the Ottoman Empire with superglue: modern Turkey was the result. Now the pieces are coming apart, but it is to be hoped that Gezi will have some part in putting it back together in a new shape more in keeping with the times.

  Turkish citizens who criticise Turkey are often condemned as traitors, when in my experience they are usually the most genuine in their patriotism, because they see Turkey’s faults and love it anyway. They do not criticise Turkey for the fun of it, or because they long for its demise. They are frustrated because there is so much good in this country, and yet so many faults imprisoning it in what sometimes feels like the Dark Ages. It is only by being honest and addressing problems that they can be solved, but this goes so against the grain of what any Turk thinks. Denial is a tragic flaw in the Turkish make-up.

  When one thinks of how young the Republic of Turkey is, and how it behaves in both a domestic and international sphere, it is impossible not to draw comparisons with an insecure young man. This man is full of promise but prickly because, deep down, he is unsure of himself and his standing in the world. He is doing well financially, and that give him confidence – he is on the up, like a young man with his first pay cheque, determined to spend it as he wishes and not to listen to criticism. The Gezi protests were the equivalent of shouting criticism directly into the ear of this young man. He ignores it now, but perhaps it will make some mark on him a little down the line.

  I am proud to be considered a Turk in any way, to any degree, however belatedly. I am now much more hopeful than I have ever been about a change in Turkey which will turn politics into less of an individual popularity contest, encourage people not to place unquestioning trust in the government and not to take high-handed decisions lying down. If these lessons are learned, Turkey will be on the way to real greatness, not the self-satisfaction which has too often passed for that.

  During the Brazilian protests that coincided with the Gezi movement in 2013, the Brazilian president, Dilma Rousseff, said that the period had been the ‘awakening’ of the Brazilian people. No one in power said that about the Turkish protests, but they should have done. Luckily, many Turks have worked it out for themselves.

  Acknowledgements

  I would like to thank all the Turks who have unwittingly helped me write this book, and whom I haven’t always been able to name. I thank Alex Reddaway, Tim Hoare, Bulut Girgin and Andrew Boord for their invaluable advice, and my parents and sisters for their support. I am also very grateful to the following people: Sir David Reddaway, Aziz Akgül, Roger Scruton, my agent Georgina Capel and editor Walter Donohue. To all my friends and most of all to Alex.

  Index

  Abdülmecid I, Sultan 1

  abla 1

  abortion 1 proposed bill to ban 1

  actors, Turkish 1

  advertising 1

  Aegean coast 1, 2

  air: selling of 1

  Akgül, Aziz 1

  AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi or Justice and Development Party) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10 cliquish nature of 1

  denouncement of military coup in Egypt 1

  Gülen’s relationship with 1

  and Kurdish peace process 1, 2

  and minority rights 1

  moderate Islamist approach 1

  see also Erdoğan, Recep Tayyip

  Aksaray 1

  Aksu, Bora 1

  alcohol: censoring of on television 1, 2 Erdoğan’s opposition to 1

  laws governing sale and consumption of 1, 2

  prohibition of advertising 1

  promotional methods 1

  and sponsored parties 1

  Alevis 1

  Alper, Caner 1

  Anadolu marque (car) 1

  Anatolian plains 1

  Ankara 1, 2, 3

  Antep (Gaziantep) 1

  antik (antique) sellers 1

  Aquarius (gay brothel) 1, 2

  Arab Spring 1

  Arabs: attitude towards Turkey 1 and Turkish tourism 1

  architecture 1

  Armenians 1 expulsion from Turkey 1

  massacres of 1

  art galleries 1

  Arter 1, 2

  artists: oppression of 1

  arts/arts scene 1 careers in 1

  fuelling of by private money 1

  government views on 1

  and Istanbul 1, 2

  and status-granting trends 1

  Aşk-i Memnu (Forbidden Love) 1, 2, 3, 4, 1141

  Astaldi (Italian construction company) 1

  astrology 1

  Atatürk, Mustafa Kemal 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 achievements 1

  anti-religious rulings 1

  and minorities 1

  clothing reforms 1

  criticism of seen as blasphemous 1

  devotion to by Kemalists 1

  embracing of West 1

  famous quo
tation 1

  presence in curriculum 1

  and nationalism 1

  reforms 1

  Avcılar (Istanbul) 1

  Avrupa Avrupa (Europe, Europe) 1

  Aygün, Hüseyin 1

  Azerbaijan 1

  Aznavour, Charles 1

  Bağiş, Egemen 1, 2, 3, 4

  banks 1, 2

  barber (berber) 1

  Bartholomew, Patriarch 1

  Batman: vandalism of Atatürk statue in (2013) 1

  Baykal, Deniz 1

  BDP (Barış ve Demokrasi Partisi or Peace and Democracy Party) 1, 2, 3

  Behzat Ç 1

  belly dancing 1

  berber (barber) 1

  Beşiktaş football club 1

  Beyoğlu (Istanbul) 1, 2, 3, 4 gay hub of Istanbul 1, 2

  outdoor table ban in Asmalı Mescit 1, 2

  prostitutes in 1, 2

  protests 1

  Bilgi university campus 1, 2

  Bilis, Serdar 1, 2

  Bilkent University (Ankara) 1

  billionaires 1

  Binay, Mehmet 1

  Black Sea region 1, 2 see also Laz people

  Bodrum 1, 2

  Boğaziçi (Bosphorus) University 1, 2, 3

  Boord, Andrew 1

  Bosphorus bridge 1, 2

  Brands, H.W. 1

  bribery 1

  Britain 1 theatre in 1

  working with Turkish companies in Middle East 1

  burqas 1, 2, 3, 4

  business, Turkish 1 and advertising 1

  directness of 1

  employment of Turks off the books 1

  entrepreneurial spirit 1

  and families 1

  and Gülen movement 1

  laissez-faire attitude towards 1

  partnership with British firms initiative 1

  replica designer industry 1

  shift away from EU towards Middle East and North Africa 1

  sponsored parties 1

  ways of working 1

  women in 1, 2

  buskers 1

  camel wrestling 1

  canal project 1

  canım 1

  car production 1

  Caretta caretta turtle 1

  cash 1

  celebrities 1 and soap operas 1

  Çelik, Hüseyin 1

  Çelik, Omer 1

  cemaat mentality 1

  Ceylan, Nuri Bilge 1

  charity: Islamic culture of 1

  child brides 1

  China 1

  CHP (Cumhurriyet Halk Partisi or Republican People’s Party) 1, 2

  Churchill, Winston 1

  Çiçek, Cemil 1, 2

  Cihangir 1, 2

  Circassian Turks 1

  cities: erection of ‘municipal symbols’ in 1

  clothes: mass-production of 1 reforms 1

  CNN Türk 1

  Çomakli, Zeynep 1

  communism 1

  Communist Party 1

  community: sense of 1, 2, 3 village-like sense of 1, 2

  conscription 1 and homosexuality 1, 2

  construction 1, 2, 3

  conversation: idiosyncrasies of Turkish 1

  Cook, Sarah 1

  corruption 1

  cosmetic surgery 1

  courtship 1

  credit cards 1

  crime 1

  crowd-pleasing instinct 1

  Çukurcuma 1, 2

  Cyprus 1, 2 economic crisis (2013) 1

  and EU accession 1

  Greek-Turk relations 1

  Daily Obscene Secrets (play) 1

  dams 1, 2

  Davutoğlu, Ahmet 1, 2

  ‘Democratisation Package’ (2013) 1

  Department for Tourism 1

  dershane (private study centre) 1, 2

  Dickens, Charles: Hard Times 1

  Digitürk 1

  Dinçdağ, Halil Ibrahim 1

  Dink, Hrant 1

  Directorate of Religious Affairs 1

  Diyarbakır 1, 2, 3

  Doğan, Emre 1

  Doğan family 1

  Doğuş Holding Group 1

  Dolmabahçe Palace 1

  dolmuş 1

  earthquakes 1

  economy 1 dependence on foreign investment and tourism 1

  and Gezi protests 1

  Edirne 1

  education 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7 assessment system 1

  Atatürk-centred 1

  and dershanes 1, 2

  and Gülen movement 1, 2

  national university placement exam 1

  secondary attendance levels 1

  universities see universities

  and women 1, 2, 3

  Education Ministry 1

  Efendi, Midhat 1

  Efes Pilsen 1

  Egypt: overthrowing of President Morsi by coup 1

  election (2011) 1 presidential (2014) 1

  Emek Sineması cinema protests 1, 2

  Emin, Tracey 1

  Empire Project Gallery (Istanbul) 1

  energy: government’s attempts to create cleaner 1

  entrepreneurial spirit 1

  environment: problems facing 1

  Envy, Enmity and Embarrassment exhibition 1

  Erbakan, Necmettin 1

  Erbil 1

  Erciyes skiing resort (Kayseri) 1

  Erdoğan, Recep Tayyip 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 achievements 1

  ambitiousness of 1

  and Atatürk 1

  attempt to limit power of military 1

  attitude towards modern theatre practitioners 1

  building projects 1, 2

  calls for axing of Muhteşem Yüzyıl 1, 2

  canal project 1

  on credit cards 1

  and Gezi Park protests 1, 2, 3, 4, 5

  and Gülen 1

  and Islam 1

  and Kurdish peace process 1

  legendary wealth 1

  opposition to abortion 1

  opposition to alcohol 1

  popularity and appeal of 1, 2, 3

  and presidential elections (2014) 1

  and privatisation of the theatre 1

  tour of Middle East (2011) 1

  and Uludere air raid 1

  visit to Beyoğlu area 1

  Ergenekon movement 1

  Ersoy, Bülent 1

  eskici (junk shops) 1, 2

  Eskişehir 1, 2

  estate agents 1

  etiquette, Turkish 1, 2

  EU (European Union): Turkey’s accession to 1 Turkey’s relationship with 1

  Europe: influence on Turkey 1

  European Court of Human Rights 1

  European Economic Community 1

  evil eye, protection from 1

  expats 1, 2, 3

  expressions, Turkish 1, 2, 3

  Eyüp (Istanbul) 1

  Ezel (Eternity) 1

  fake designer products 1

  family dynasties 1

  family size 1

  family support, ethos of 1

  Farhi, Nicole 1

  Fatih (Istanbul) 1

  Fatih University 1

  feminists 1

  Fenerbahçe football club/fans 1, 2

  First World War 1

  Flying Broom 1

  food 1

  football 1

  foreign investment 1

  foreign policy 1

  foreigners 1 and property scams 1

  view of by estate agents 1

  France 1, 2

  free speech, suppression of 1

  Galata (Istanbul) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5

  Galatasaray football club 1

  Galleria Atatköy (Istanbul) 1

  gangs 1

  Garanti Bank 1

  ‘gay for pay’ sauna workers 1, 2

  already have Antep (Gaziantep)

  gecekondu houses 1

  geçmiş olsun 1

  gentrification 1, 2, 3

  Germany 1

  gestures, Turkish 1

  Gezi Park 1, 2, 3

  Gezi Park protest
s (2013) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14 beginnings 1

  causes 1

  clashes between protesters and police 1, 2, 3, 4

  and economy 1

  and Erdoğan 1, 2, 3

  and Kurds 1

  and LGBT activists 1

  media censorship during 1

  numbers involved 1

  participation of major football team supporters 1

  retaking of Taksim Square by police 1

  riot tourism as by-product of 1

  shooting of Sarısülük by police 1, 2

  and Turkish salesman 1

  use of tear gas 1, 2