Global Crisis
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28. Palermo, Narrazioni, 381, Filomarino to Innocent X, 8 July 1647 ‘alle 18 ore’, or about 5 p.m.; Capograssi, ‘La revoluzione’, 181, Rosso to Doge, 9 July 1647, notes the unacceptable pardon.
29. Howell, Exact history, 85–95, gives the text of the ‘Capitoli’; Musi, La rivolta, 338–40, analyzes their content; BNE Ms 2662/10, ‘Relación’, gives Arcos's view.
30. Capograssi, ‘La revoluzione’, 211, Rosso to Doge, 17 Sep. 1647. Tutini, Racconto, 137–8, recorded that ‘molti preti di non buona vita’ formed a militia company in Aug. 1647.
31. Tutini, Racconto, 24, and Correra, ‘Inedita relazione’, 362, on food at half price.
32. Capograssi, ‘La revoluzione’, 184, Rosso to Doge, and Palermo, Narrazioni, 387, Filomarino to Innocent X, both dated 16 July 1647. BNE Ms 2662/14v–15, ‘Relación’, describes in detail Arcos's arrangements for the murder, including his vow to donate a statue of the Virgin worth 2,000 ducats and provide dowries for 50 girls each year if the plot succeeded. Musi, La rivolta, 119–20, details rewards paid to the murderers.
33. Correra, ‘Inedita relazione’, 380; Capograssi, ‘La revoluzione’, 185, Rosso to Doge, 23 July 1647; Tontoli, Il Mas'Aniello, 154–5, BNE Ms 2662/16v–17; Musi, La rivolta, 123–31.
34. Hugon, Naples, 95 and 100, quoting the Tuscan and French envoys. Other data from ibid., 92–100.
35. Di Marzo, Biblioteca storica, III, 113–18 and 150–1.
36. La Lumia, Storie siciliane, IV, 127–33, prints the 49 Capitoli.
37. Di Marzo, Biblioteca storica, IV, 174–5 (Pirri on the edict of 12 Oct., and on the arrival of the news from Naples).
38. AGS SP leg 1,444, n.p., consulta of 17 June (the same legajo contains Los Vélez's letter of 23 May, which had been deciphered and endorsed ‘Received 16 June’, so the council acted promptly); AGS SP 218/72, consulta of 27 Aug. 1647, reviewing many letters about the revolt of Naples.
39. ACA CA 679/4, consulta of 9 Mar. 1649, citing the archbishop's letter of 24 Sep. 1647; Seco Serrano, Cartas, I, 118, Philip IV to Sor María, 21 Aug. 1647, in reply to her letter of 1 Aug. (ibid., 117). On the ‘troubles’ in Valencia, see Casey, ‘La Crisi General del segle XVII’.
40. Villari, Per il re o per la patria, 145–72, prints the key documents on Genoino's arrest and deportation. In the event, the viceroy of Sardinia sent Genoino to Spain to explain his actions but, aged 80, he died first.
41. Rovito, ‘La rivoluzione’, 414–17; Comparato, ‘Toward the revolt’, 312–15; and Musi, La rivolta, 138–43.
42. Graniti, Diario di Francesco Capecelatro, II, 46 (interestingly, red and black had been Masaniello's colours); Capograssi, ‘La rivoluzione’, 216–18, Rosso to Doge, 8 Oct. 1647; Conti, Le leggi, 52–3, proclamation of 25 Oct. 1647. The declaration was also published in Barcelona: Villari, Elogi della dissimulazione, 119.
43. Chéruel, Lettres, II, 466, Mazarin to Fontenay-Mareuil, 25 July 1647 (the day after he heard of Masaniello's revolt); xlvii–xlviii and 931, three letters to Cardinal Grimaldi, 26 July. See also Chéruel, Histoire, II, 381–2, on the council's decision on 30 July 1647.
44. Coryate, Coryat's crudities, 92–3, 99: the author walked through the duchy in 1608. Manzoni's novel, I promessi sposi, provides a vivid and realistic portrait of the catastrophe. See also chs 8 and 9 above.
45. Vigo, Nel cuore, 37, quoting Count Onofrio Castelli; Raymond, Itinerary, 240; de Beer, Diary of John Evelyn, II, 501. D'Amico, ‘Rebirth’, 699, argues that the plague of 1630 halved the population of the city, but that it recovered from 75,000 in 1633 to 100,000 in 1648.
46. Buono, Esercito, 114–22, on Visconti's mission, quoting his Instructions of May 1640 and his report on an audience with Olivares on 4 July.
47. Ibid., 123–4, Council of Italy to Philip IV, 28 June 1641; Maffi, Il baluardo, 31, Philip IV to governor of Lombardy, 7 May 1641.
48. Maffi, Il baluardo, 40, Philip IV to governor of Lombardy, 30 Dec. 1643, 362 nn. 70–1, letters of Mar. 1648, and the tables at 340–4; Maffi, ‘Milano in guerra’, 403, Bartolomeo Arese to Philip IV, 29 July 1647.
49. Giannini, ‘Un caso di stabilità’, 153, quoting the Venetian resident in Milan on 7 Aug. 1647; and Signorotto, ‘Stabilità’, 734, Raimundo de la Torre to duke of Ferrara, 28 Aug. 1647 (an explicit link with events in Naples).
50. AGS Estado 3365/44–6, consulta of the Spanish Council of State, 14 Feb. 1648, enclosing a report of the arrest and a copy of Piantanida's manifesto. I thank Dr Davide Maffi for information on the plots: personal communication, October 2003.
51. Chéruel, Histoire, II, 433–4, Mazarin to Duplessis-Praslin, 29 Oct. 1647.
52. Giannini, ‘Un caso di stabilità’, 106–7, quoting Gualdo Priorato, Relatione della città di Milano (1666). Historical research has corroborated this controversial assertion, demonstrating the Lombard elite's unfaltering commitment to the Spanish Habsburg: see for instance Signorotto, Milano spagnolo, 32–4, 57, 131–45, 171–203; Maffi, Il baluardo, 176–91, 195–208; idem, La cittadella, 118–144; Rizzo, ‘“Ottima gente da guerra”’, and idem, ‘Influencia social’.
53. Mario Rizzo graciously drew my attention both to the emergence of a ‘convivenza lombardo-asburgica’ and to Spain's successful policy of creating Lombard ‘stakeholders’ in the regime: personal communications in Jan. and June 2007; his article ‘“Rivoluzione dei consumi”’, 542; and his book Alloggiamenti militari, 146.
54. Venice and other states in the lower Po valley that suffered cruelly from the crisis of 1628–31 also remained politically quiescent in the 1640s and 1650s: see Sella, ‘The survival’, and Faccini, La Lombardia, 251–5.
55. In his ‘Manifesto’ of 4 Dec. 1647, Guise claimed that he reached an agreement with Annese on 24 Oct., two days before the declaration of the Republic: Conti, Le legge, 147–9. In his Memoirs, he claimed ‘I was the first to suggest to them the title of “Republic”’: Petitot and Monmerque, Mémoires du duc de Guise, I, 89–90 (see pp. 85–90 for his earlier efforts). Chéruel, Histoire, II, 444–5, proves that Guise's alleged letter of support from Louis XIV was forged; Reinach, Receuil, X, 24, Mazarin to Duplessis-Besançon, 6 Apr. 1648, stressed his opposition to the idea of a Republic in Naples – ironically, the Republic collapsed that same day.
56. BL, C.55.i.3, Documenti originali relativi alla rivoluzione di Tommaso Aniello, is a collection of some 200 original bandi, many published in Conti, Le legge. Villari, Elogio, 60, notes the Italian translation of Alessandro de Ros's history of the Catalan revolt, published in Naples. Donzelli, Partenope liberata, Parte 1a (licensed by Annese and dedicated to Guise) took the story up to Guise's coup; Part II, which exists only in manuscript, narrated the rest of the story.
57. Conti, Le legge, 67–9 and 183–4, edicts of 4 Nov. and 17 Dec. 1647, exhorting the regnicoli to join the Republic.
58. Ibid., 150–2, edicts of 4–5 Dec. 1647.
59. Ibid., 198–9, 211–13, 245, edicts of 23–24 Dec. 1647 (Guise's proclamation of himself Duce), 30 Dec. 1647 (a Constitution for the ‘most serene and royal republic), and 12 Jan. 1648; Graniti, Diario di Francesco Capecelatro, II, 376 (entry of 27 Dec. 1647).
60. Co. Do. In, LXXXIV, 129–30, Peñaranda to Pedro Coloma, 7 Feb. 1648; and 513–16, “Relaciones” by Peñaranda retracing the course of diplomatic negotiations, 1651. On the terms see chs 8 and 9 above. Philip signed the decree on 1 Oct. 1647.
61. Conti, Le legge, 382, edict on the banks, 31 Mar. 1648 – four days before the Spanish troops re-entered the city.
62. Benigno, Specchi, 282–3, on the arrival 16 Mar. 1648 of the news from Paris (see ch. 11).
63. AGS SP libro 443/31–32v, Philip IV to Oñate, 12 June 1648; SP libro 218/93 and 94, consultas of 17 and 20 May 1648 recommending the arrest and trial of Arcos. Hugon, Naples, 241–2, notes the rewards heaped upon d'Andrea.
64. Di Marzo, Biblioteca storica, III, 176–8 (Auria) records rain and ‘scarsezza di fromento’ throughout Sicily.
65. AHN Estado libro 455, n.p. royal rescript to
a consulta of 18 July 1648; Di Marzo, Biblioteca storica, III, 332–3 (Auria); La Lumia, Storie Siciliane, IV, 117–19.
66. Ribot García, La Monarquía, 15.
67. Ribot García, La revuelta, 120, consulta of the Council of Italy, 9 Sep. 1669, and 124 n. 272, biography of Hoyo. France had sent its fleet to save Crete from the Turks, and the island's surrender (page 208 above) deprived it of a mission.
68. Ribot García, La revuelta, 166, viceroy to queen regent of Spain, 28 Sep. 1672. At pp. 141–2 Ribot lists and describes the numerous urban bread riots of 1671–2; and at 216–36 he lists the known members of the two factions.
69. Ribot García, La Monarquía, 34, Marquis of Astorga to queen regent, 27 July and 5 Aug. 1674.
70. Ibid., 45, Louis XIV to his ambassador in Rome (charged with coordinating French policy towards Messina), 7 Sep. 1674. On the similar assumptions of Richelieu and Mazarin, see chs 9 and 10 above, and 17 below.
71. Ibid., 119, quoting Louis's Mémoires.
72. Ibid., 638. Olivares quoted page 290 above.
73. Ribot García, La Monarquía, 524–618, expertly surveys these questions of loyalty during the rebellion and the war.
74. Lottin, Vie et mentalité, ch. 4, ‘Français malgré lui’.
75. Di Marzo, Biblioteca storica, III, 332–3 (Auria); La Lumia, Storie Siciliane, IV, 117–19.
76. AGS SP libro 443/31–32v, Philip IV to Oñate, the new viceroy, 12 June 1648. See also SP libro 218/37 consulta of 5 May 1648, reluctantly agreeing to confirm Don Juan's concessions to the rebels; and Fusco, ‘Il viceré di Napoli’, 150, on the ‘tax holiday’ conceded to Naples after the plague of 1656.
Chapter 15 The ‘dark continents’
1. I am very grateful to Dauril Alden, Rayne Allinson, John Brooke, William Russell Coil, Ross Hassig, Karen Ordahl Kupperman, John Lamphear, Kathryn Magee Labelle, Joseph C. Miller, Margaret Newell, Carla Pestana and Jason Warren for their valuable suggestions for improving this chapter; and to Andrew Ashbrook, Nicole Emke and Maria Widman for drawing to my attention sources on New England and New France.
2. Kessell, Kiva, 170; Richter, ‘War and culture’, 537. Both authors based their estimates on contemporary calculations.
3. Villalba, ‘Climatic fluctuations’, 355–6, shows that glaciers as well as the annual width and carbon-14 deposits in tree rings in Patagonia registered strikingly colder periods in the mid-seventeenth century. Further data from the ‘natural archive’ at www.ncdc.noaa.gov/paleo/ftp-treering.html show much the same pattern.
4. Ch. 1 above discusses the simultaneous increase in El Niño, volcanic and seismic activity in the mid-seventeenth century, and the possibility that they are connected.
5. McNeill, Mosquito empires, 91.
6. Franklin, ‘Observations’ (1751), paras 6–7. On the demographic history of New England, see Canny, The origins, 211–12; and Fischer, Albion's seed, 76–7.
7. Winthrop papers, III, 166, letter to Sir Nathaniel Rich, 22 May 1634 (only 2–3 adult deaths among the 4,000 colonists who arrived the previous year, and few child deaths); Wood, New England (1634), 4; Morton, New English Canaan (1637), 94; Anon., New England's First Fruits (1643), 246. Compare the description of the constant coughing and spitting of Londoners in ch. 3 above.
8. Percy, ‘Trewe relacyon’ (written 1625, but describing 1609–10); Stahle, ‘The lost colony’, 567. Herrmann, ‘The “tragicall historie”’, suggests that the stories about the ‘starveinge tyme’ may have grown more horrific in retelling.
9. Kingsbury, The records, III, 485–90, Company to Governor of Virginia, London, 25 July 1621; and IV, 73–4, George Sandys to his brother Samuel, Jamestown, 30 Mar. 1623. Stahle, ‘The lost colony’, Fig. 15, shows the drought of 1621–2 as recorded in the ‘natural archive’.
10. Morton, New English Canaan, 94–5 and 121–2; on the landmark winter of 1641–2, see ch. 1 above; on that of 1657–8, see Collin, ‘Observations’ (citing the records of ‘New Sweden’).
11. See the quantitative data in Canny, The origins, 182–3 and 223–7, and Fischer, Albion's seed, 277. On El Niño, malaria and British Jamaica, see McNeill, Mosquito empires, 103.
12. Cushman, The sin and danger, 8; Morton, New English Canaan, 23; Salisbury, Manitou and Providence, 106.
13. Starna, ‘The Pequots’, 44.
14. Winthrop papers, III, 149 and 167, letters to John Endicott, 3 Jan. 1634, and to Sir Nathaniel Rich, 22 May 1634. Starna, ‘The Pequots’, 44–6, noted that native remedies like ‘sweating’ exacerbated rather than ameliorated some European diseases, and also suggested that some ‘indigenous pathogens’ such as tuberculosis and syphilis, like smallpox and yellow fever, also ‘appeared in increasingly virulent forms’ in the seventeenth century.
15. Winthrop papers, III, 240, Williams to John Winthrop, Providence [3 July 1637]. Other details and quotations from Grandjean, ‘New world tempests’, 77–87.
16. Dunn, Journal, 75 (6 Nov. 1634). Figures from Starna. ‘The Pequots’, and Hauptman, ‘The Pequot War’.
17. Gardiner, History, 10.
18. Underhill, Newes, 40, 81; Bradford, History, 339. Mason, Brief History, 10, put the death toll at 700, but neither he nor Underhill attempted a ‘body count’. Hoffer, Sensory worlds, 277 n. 40, provides an ingenious calculation based on topography and ethnography that supports the lower figure of 400 proposed by Bradford and Underhill.
19. Salisbury, Manitou and Providence, 222; Mason, A brief history, 17; Karr, ‘“Why should you be so furious?”’, 907 (quoting the treaty of Hartford, 21 Sep. 1638); Anon., New England's First Fruits in respect of the progress of learning, in the Colledge at Cambridge in Massachusetts-Bay, 246 (this marks Harvard's first serious effort at fund-raising in England).
20. Dunn, Journal, 181, 186, 256. See also the details in ch. 1 above.
21. Cressy, Coming over, 201, quoting A brief relation of the state of New England (London, 1689) by Increase Mather, who himself briefly returned to England. The regicide was Colonel Vincent Potter. Vane and Peter were executed after 1660 for their opposition to Charles I, even though they did not sign his death warrant. On their careers in England, and on the fate of Laud and Strafford, see chs 11 and 12 above.
22. Bradstreet, ‘A dialogue’, 189–90. (I deduce the date because, having spoken of the 1642 campaign, she wrote ‘The seed time's come’ which implies spring 1643.) Felons were hanged at Tyburn.
23. Pestana, The English Atlantic, 38, Freeholders of Barbados to the earl of Warwick, 1646. Pestana notes that the six colonies favouring the king all belonged to ‘proprietors’ whose powers stemmed from royal grants, whereas most of the settlements founded after 1629, often by the king's Puritan critics, declared for Parliament.
24. Anon., New England's First Fruits, 246.
25. Webb, 1676, xv, uses the phrase ‘concatenation of disasters’ and mentions ‘storm and plague’ as well as ‘Indian insurrection and civil war’, but his book scarcely mentions natural disasters.
26. CSPC 1675–1676, 368, Governor Sir Jonathan Atkins to Secretary Williamson, Barbados, 3 Apr. 1676.
27. Gardiner, History, 26. Gardiner (architect of Fort Saybrook) was on Long Island with the Montauk when Miantonomo delivered his appeal in summer 1642. The sachem's injunction not to kill the cows offers eloquent testimony regarding the scarcity of other fauna.
28. ‘Articles of Confederation of the United Colonies of New England’, 19 May 1643, expanded 7 Sep. 1643: http://avalon.law.yale.edu/17th_century/art1613.asp, accessed 29 June 2011.
29. CSPC 1675–1676, 365, Berkeley to Secretary Williamson, 1 Apr. 1676.
30. Leach, A Rhode Islander reports on King Philip's War, 20–1. Briffa and Osborne's tree-ring records for Quebec and the Chesapeake both show the disastrous growing season of 1675. On livestock as a source of conflict in New England, see Anderson, Creatures of Empire.
31. CSPC 1675–1676, 366, Berkeley to Thomas Ludwell, his agent in London, 1 Apr. 1676.
32. Written evidence for the poor
New England harvest of 1676 is hard to find, so I am grateful to Jason Warren for bringing to my attention Connecticut State Archives, War: Colonial series I, 1675–1775, Record Group 2, part 2, doc. 95, Secretary Allyn to the Assistants of New Haven and Fairfield Counties, Hartford, 27 June 1676, all about the need to remedy the shortage of wheat and ‘Indian Corn’.
33. Quotations from Slotkin and Folsom, So dreadfull a judgment, 3–4; and Webb, 1676, 411 and xvi. Other data from Mandell, King Philip's War, 134–7; and Warren, ‘Connecticut unscathed’, 18, 22–3.
34. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, 4th ser., IX (1871), 184–7, ‘Declaration of Nathaniel Bacon in the Name of the People of Virginia, July 30, 1676’; Webb, 1676, 64–5.
35. Quotations from Webb, 1676, 201–2 (for the quotations from Ireland echoed here, see chs 11 and 12 above). The royal fleet entered the Chesapeake in Jan. 1677 and accomplished its mission; but disease among the crews prevented it from proceeding to Boston as planned.
36. The Iroquois comprised five, later six, groups divided into two ‘moieties’: the Cayugas, Oneidas and, later, Tuscaroras, were the ‘younger brothers’ who deferred to the Mohawks, Onondagas and Senecas, the ‘older brothers’. In the seventeenth century leaders of all the groups met regularly to discuss matters of mutual interest.
37. Ball and Porter, Fighting Words, 67, Tecumseh's plea to the Choctaw and Chickasaw in 1811. Interestingly, like seventeenth-century leaders, Tecumseh claimed that a comet and major earthquake that year vindicated his cause.
38. Henripin, La population canadienne, 3, 8, 13, 73, and graph on p. 128; Charbonneau, Naissance, 81 96–7, 128, 146–7. Totals in Dumas, Les filles du roi, 48 and 122. For Vauban's estimate, see ch. 21 below.
39. See Mann, Iroquois women, 241 (quotation) and 261–6 (on birth control).
40. Van der Donck, A description (1653), 184. See also Cook, Born to die, 192–8.