A Majority of Scountrels - Don Berry

by Don Berry

  2. In establishing the most probable routes for parties in this area, I have used throughout this book the maps accompanying the Twelfth Annual Report of the United States Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories; these were made in 1877 under the direction of F. V. Hayden, and have never been surpassed. BACK

  3. Most of the furs went direct to Ashley, who took his commission and sold them to Frederick A. Tracy & Company (usually). who took their commission and passed them on down the line. As might be expected, quite a remarkable amount ended up on the books of John Jacob Astor. BACK

  4. The letter from SJ&S to the Secretary of War is further evidence. While Smith appreciated and acknowledged HBC’s good oflices, he certainly didn’t let it interfere with his opinion of them as serious competition; and competition to be met in any possible way. BACK

  5. Based on Milton’s party of forty and the statement of present in Pierre’s Hole before they split up for the fall hunt. BACK

  6. His route may be: by ascending the Powder to the I head; overland to the Sweetwater; South Pass; across Bridger Basin and the valley of the Green. Or perhaps back via Wind River again. If you have a topographical map of the area your guess is as good as mine. BACK

  CHAPTER 16

  1. It isn’t customary for a student to state his conclusions quite as abruptly as this, particularly when they contradict the generally accepted historical view. But before scholars take to the historical journals to reprimand me, I wish they would study the cited documents. In arriving at these notions I have worked principally from the account books and documents now in the manuscript collections of the Missouri Historical Society; in particular those preserved in the Sublette Papers, the Campbell Estate Papers, and the Ashley collection in the Chouteau Papers. BACK

  2. As it worked out in detail: Ashley completed sales for $84,499.14. He had advanced SJ&S $23,314.60 before sale, charging them 6 per cent interest for 148 days: $574.93. Ashley’s commission at 2% per cent = $2,114.90. Expenses = $2,573.79. Discoimts for cash payment amounted to over $1,110. Another advance of $2,000 was made, of which Smith alone received $1,798.66. I don’t fully understand this payment, but it may have had something to do with redeeming the HBC draft given Smith by Simpson. The three partners, in the final accounting, ended with a share of $17,604.33 each.

  It is interesting to note by Ash1ey’s account books the disposal he made of these furs. Of the total $84,500, John Jacob Astor bought $82,000 worth. Seemed as though no matter which company you thought you were trapping for, it turned out to be John Jacob Astor in the end. BACK

  3. Jackson and Sublette later gave a power of attorney to David Waldo, in Taos, for the purpose of collecting on this note at $4.25 a pound. But this was contingent on delivery of the furs within sixty miles of Taos—and the arrangement wasn’t made until a year later. (This could not have been agreed upon at the Rendezvous 1830, since it was made necessary by a complex of factors unknown at the time.) The delivered price, of course, would have been higher than mountain price; the only question is how much. The reasons for the provision of delivery to Taos—rather than St. Louis—are suggested in the text. BACK

  4. Ferris came out with the Robidoux-Vanderburgh-Drips party. (His account of the next few years—Life in the Rocky Mountains——is one of the best sources, and sometimes the only one, for the events of these years. If it is occasionally contradictory and differs from other records, they all do, they all do.) BACK

  5. A rough total at Rendezvous 1830 would be about 200. Fraeb and Gervais have 32; Fitz, Sublette, and Bridger, 81. This leaves around thirty men unaccounted for; these were probably dispersed in small, detached parties of ten or fifteen free trappers, who would not appear again until Rendezvous 1831. BACK

  6. Apparently the mountain operations of the Company's 1830 brigade had been left mainly in the hands of Joseph Robidoux. Vanderburgh must have returned to Fort Union about the time Robidoux was trailing Fraeb and Gervais. BACK

  7. Keemle, of course, is basing his remarks on the letter itself, which is ambiguous; SI&S probably meant the Popo Agie, but the letter’s phrasing makes it seem that the pass is at the same place where Rendezvous 1830 was held, which is given as the Wind. I think the partners were deliberately oversimplifying the geography of the area to make their point more emphatic. BACK

  8. This is a conjecture by Dale Morgan. It seems borne out by future events and serves to make some sense out of a rather confusing situation. It is not really clear who initiated the Santa Fe expedition. I’m going by the fact that Smith requested a passport in early February, Shiblette not until late March. BACK

  9. This is a general account; not one specifically of, this party. However, by this time the procedure along the Santa Fe Trail was far more standard than on any other route beyond the frontier. Chittenden’s American Fur Trade of the Far West gives a good account of the route with all its landmarks, and I generally follow him here. BACK

  10. Not relatives by blood or language, however. The Gros Ventres lived with Bug’s Boys and most contemporary accounts do not distinguish between the tribes, lumping them all under the generic term "Blackfeet." BACK

  11. As it worked out, Smith’s estate went almost half; Jackson & Sublette supplied $3,032; Smith, about $2,800. BACK

  12. The Adventures of Zenas Leonard, recently reprinted by the University of Oklahoma Press. BACK

  13. It should be remembered that John Jacob Astor did not personally involve himself in the trade. When he satisfied himself that he had the best men in the right positions he wisely allowed them to work as they saw fit. Thus the actual mountain operation of American Fur was largely in the hands of McKenzie at Fort Union (UMO) and Chouteau at St. Louis (Western Department). Ramsay Crooks of the Northern Department was general agent and effective head of the Company. He had been with Astor for twenty years and more; ever since the Astoria enterprise. BACK

  14. Mrs. Victor, writing from Meek’s dictation, here renders "Iroquois" as "Rockway." This has occasioned a lot of wild speculation on the part of historians as to what this mysterious "Rockway" tribe might be, since it never appears in any other place. BACK

  CHAPTER 18

  1. Since this document is critically important in establishing the relationship between Bill Sublette and RMF, I reprint it here in full:

  "Articles of Agreement made and entered into on the Teton Fork of the Columbia River and under the Three Teton mountain this Twenty fifth day of July in the Year One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty Two, by and between William L Sublette of the first part and Thomas Fitzpatrick Milton G Sublette John Baptice Jarvie James Bridger and Henry Freab trading under the name and Style of The Rockey Mountain Furr C° of the Second part Witnesseth

  "That whereas the said William L Sublette has delivered as per contract a certain Invoice of Merchandize to said Rockey Mountain Furr C° and is now about to return to St Louis missouri The said Rockey Mountain Furr C° have bargained with said William L Sublette to transport on their account to St Louis all their Beaver Furr Beaver Castors, Otter, Musk Rat &c to St Louis Missouri at their risk and to pay said William L. Sublette for so doing Fifty cents per pound with the following undersanding Viz "The said Rockey Mountain Furr Co owe said William L Sublette for the merchandize above alluded to the sum of Fifteen Thousand Six Hundred and Twenty dollars. also one note due June first for One Thousand Four Hundred and Thirty Eight Dollars and one Note for Five Hundred Dollars due July 29th [I am unable to identify these obligations] besides a settled account [an unsettled account is meant] of Two Hundred and Six Dollars 22/100 and also a note to the late firm of Smith Jackson & Sublette amounting to Fifteen Thousand Five Hundred and Thirty Two Dollars 275/100 and to the late firm of Jackson & Sublette a Note of Three Thousand and Thirty Two Dollars 75/100 [this for the merchandise picked up by Fitzpatrick in Taos] and also another Note of One Hundred and Three Dollars and also an amount of their orders and notes to men now going to St Louis which orders are accepted by said William L Sublette and to be paid
by him on the arrival of this Beaver Furr in St Louis Missouri They amount to Ten Thousand Three Hundred and Eighteen Dollars ?/100 —And the said Rockey Mountain Furr Co have delivered to said William L Sublette Eleven Thousand Two Hundred and Forty Six pounds Beaver Furr (including Two Hundred Musk rats Skins and Fifty Seven otter Skins) and they have also delivered Two Hundred and Forty Seven pounds Beaver Castors all of which together with Three Thousand pounds or thereabouts in caches on the river Platte, which the said William L Sublette is to weigh and transport with the Furrs &c Recvd at this place to St Louis Missouri on their account and risk they paying him at the rate of Fifty cents per pound for same And on his arrival in St Louis Missouri should he deem it advisable and to the advantage of said Rockey Mountain Furr Co he is authorized to dispose of it there on their account or should he deem it more to their advantage to Ship it to another market he is then authorized to do so and when sold the Nett proceeds are to be appropriated as follows Viz

  "The said William L Sublette in the first place is to pay himself the before mentioned sum of Fifteen Thousand Six Hundred and Twenty Dollars and also for the transportation of this Beaver &c to St Louis at the Rate of Fifty cents per pound with interest at the rate of Eight per cen per annum from first november next until paid Secondly—The before mentioned drafts and notes to be paid to men now going to

  St Louis amounting to Ten Thousand Three Hundred and Eighteen Dollars 44/100 is to be next taken out of the Nett proceeds The said Rockey Mountain Furr Co paying whatever interest the said William L Sublette may have to pay on the money he borrowed to pay these drafts and notes on his arrival.

  "Thirdly Their notes payable 10 June for Fourteen Hundred and Thirty Eight Dollars and Note payable 29 July for Five Hundred Dollars bearing interest at Ten per cent per annum until paid.

  "Fourthly The balance on their open account amounting to Two Hundred and Six Dollars 44/100

  "Fifthly Their note to Smith Jackson & Sublette due first day of November 1831 for Fifteen Thousand Five Hundred and Thirty Two Dollars 22/100 with interest until paid.

  "Sixtly one note to the late firm of Jackson & Sublette due iirst of December Eighteen Hundred and Thirty One for Three Thousand and Thirty Two Dollars 75/100 and one note for One Hundred and Three Dollars due July 23 Eighteen Hundred & Thirty One with interest until paid And there is a perfect understanding that all expenses attending the Furrs &c after their arrival in St Louis are to be paid by the said Rockey mountain Furr Co

  "And as there is an uncertainty as to the price Beaver Furr &c may sell for an understanding exists between the parties before mentioned that should the Nett proceeds of the Beaver amount to more than will pay off the foregoing obligations the said William L Sublette is to pay off any of their just notes now in St Louis or that may be taken there as far as money remains in his hands and should a surplus still remain it is to be Subject to the order of the said Rockey Mountn Furr C0. But should the nett proceeds of the Beaver not more than discharge the foregoing obligations then should the said William L Sublette pay out money in taking up their notes now in St Louis then the said Rockey Mountane Furr C0 are to pay the said William L Sublette at the Rate of Eight per cent per annum until paid

  "In witness whereof the parties have hereunto set their hands and seals the day and [7] before written

  Witness Wm L Sublette (Seal)

  R Campbell Thor Fitzpatrick (Seal)

  A. W. Sublette for

  Rockey Mont" fur C0. _

  "After signing the above articles of agreement the said Rockey Mountain Furr C0 have drawn in favour Robert Campbell for tive Hundredrand Sixty Dollars payable when the beaver Furr is sold which draft is accepted by said Wm L Sublette

  W"* L Sublette (Seal)

  450 ` A Majority of Scoundrels

  » { i Thos Fitzpatrick

  for

  . Rockey Mot" fur C0 (Seal)

  "We the undersigned hereby certify that we have weighed and marked a certain quantity of Beaver Furr belonging to The Rockey mountain Furr C0 which. was raised by their directions by Wm L Sublette out of Caches on Sweet Water & River Platte which Beaver weighed Two Thousand Four Hundred and Seventy Three pounds, and Ten otter Skins weighing Fifteen pounds, and Forty five pounds Beaver Castors;

  "Given tmder our hands this fifteenth day of August

  Eighteen Hundred and Thirty Two

  Robert Campbell

  V Louis Vasquez" BACK

  2. A discussion of poisoned meat can be found in 0gden’s Snake Country Journals, 1824-1826. E. E. Rich, the editor, prints several medical opinions which are most helpful. BACK

  CHAPTER 19

  1. Which is to say: from Pierre’s Hole west across the Snake River plains, then a northeast reversal to the Big Hole River, southwest of present Butte, Montana. (The Big Hole, looping north, then east, joins with the Beaverhead River from the south to form Jefferson Fork.) Down the valley of the Big Hole, then, Fitz and Bridger’s brigade began their · fall hunt in the Three Forks area. BACK

  2. Somewhere along the line Joe had joined the Fitzpatrick-Bridger brigade. Mrs. Victor says the camps were joined at Salmon River in early fall; which is not possible. Newell says "Up to the head of the galiton fork met craig and some of our hunters we parted with at the Randezvous," which is probably it. Joe must have been with a small, detached party from the Salmon. BACK

  3. This was most probably Antoine Clement, HBC deserter, mountain man, hunter, half-breed, trapper extraordinaire, who ended up, of all things, a valet on a Scotch baronial estate. See DeVoto’s Across the Wide Missouri. BACK

  CHAPTER 20

  1. The Yellowstone’s maiden trip in 1831 was only to Fort Tecumseh, near the mouth of the Teton (Bad) River; present Pierre, South Dakota. On the trip the name of the fort was changed to Fort Pierre, in honor of Pierre A Chouteau. BACK

  2. Catlin’s reputation rests largely on place and time, rather than ability; he was the first artist to make a systematic record of the western American Indian. His work is notable for its accuracy of detail. He could not draw. BACK

  3. This was Pierre Pambrun, lifelong HBC man. "An active, steady dapper little fellow," by Simpson’s Character Book. BACK

  4. Wyeth‘s letter book contains certain tantalizing suggestions. A letter to his brother says: "I should not much regret leaving the land of religious freedom as you call it . . . it is not so to me, finding in it none of that freedom. . . I mean the exercise and avowal of ones ideas without harm accruing therefrom. Can anyone say that my opinions have been exercised in freedom and that no harm has accrued to me [?] Can any one assert that I have not been lowered in the estimation of my fellows thereby? . . . And yet you call this a land of civil and religious liberty. I repeat I have not found it such."

  This is a long letter, and the entire last portion of it has been cut out of the letter book. It suggests possible motivations for Wyeth‘s Oregon expeditions that have not been investigated. BACK

  CHAPTER 21

  1. Astoria, published in 1836, and Captain Bonneville in 1837. (The original title of the latter is more accurate: The Rocky Mountains, or, Scenes, Incidents and Adventures in the Far West: Digested from the Journal of Captain B. L. E. Bonneville . . .) BACK

  2. Cholera provided one of the strongest motivations for .. Oregon emigration; the diseases of the Mississippi valley were absent on the Willamette. The dreamers saw it as a land without sickness; but Wyeth found "mi1ch sickness among the people here . . . which I think arises from low diet and moist weather . . . the main disorder is an intermittent fever which has carried off all or nearly all the Indians." The Indians called it the cole·sick·waum-sick," or just the "Boston sick;" The descriptions lit malaria, one form of which is endemic to the Columbia Basin. The Indian cure killed more than the disease itself. Most Oregon Indians—all the coastal tribes—had one standard remedy (outside of magic). This was a

  sweat bath, in a steam hut by a river. When the temperature was well up, therpatient dashed from the hut and plunged ` into t
he cold water (coast tribes sometimes into the ocean). Malaria, if that is what the cole-sick-waum-sick was, does not respond well to this treatment. Most of the patients died. BACK

  3. Wyeth states that RMF had accepted two supply trains, for which they had paid about $30,000. Definite figures for 1832 show that one to have been about $15,000. Hence the

  ;above deduced Egure, BACK

  4. Bill took to signing himself "William S. Williams, M.T.," meaning Master Trapper. Preacher Bill, Old Bill, , Parson Bill, Old Solitaire, were some of his other cognomens. Bill was convinced (among other things) that his soul would migrate into an elk, and he used to sit greenhorns down and warn them against shooting him if they ever saw him in that form. A fictionalized, but fairly accurate, version of Williams plays a major role in Lieutenant Frederick Ruxton’s Life in the Far West, published by the University of Oklahoma Press. BACK

  CHAPTER 22

  l. The experimental nature of this first year’s expedition is shown by a letter of Wyeth’s to Milton, requesting that he come to meet the men who were backing Wyeth in the project: "I have no doubt you will see of how much importance it is that parties who in the course of events may have such large engagements with each other should meet and establish a mutual confidence which will afterward facilitate all business? (Italics mine.) BACK

  2. During the spring Bill had picked up the last of RMF's obligations for himself—Davey Jackson’s share of the moneys due Smith Jackson & Sublette. Bill bought Jackson‘s share of this remaining debt for half price ($783.93). The understanding was that, if the debt were paid, Jackson would leave the other half with Sublette "to indemnify him for any damage he may sustain on my part of Law suits against {RMF]." And if the debt were not collected, Jackson would pay back the $783 with interest. BACK