The New York Times Book of World War II, 1939-1945

by The New York Times

  Although jubilantly acclaiming the new German-Turkish friendship pact as one of the diplomatic sensations of the war, the Germans refused to discuss its obvious bearing on German-Russian relations—the topic of sensational rumors all over Europe. Rumors circulated in Berlin that actual border clashes had occurred between German and Russian troops. A spokesman said, however, that he had no knowledge of any such occurrences.

  RUMORS OF FOREIGN ORIGIN

  He said that “most of the rumors” of German-Soviet tension were of foreign origin and that “that is the best indication of their unreliability.”

  [The British charged, according to a British broadcast, that the rumors were of German origin and were a new phase of a “war of nerves” to force Russia to agree to German demands for fuller cooperation.]

  An indication that German-Soviet relations had not reached the state of open hostilities was the fact that Russian residents of Berlin went about their business as usual today.

  A German spokesman, although declining to discuss relations in general between Germany and Russia, denied reports that a new German-Russian economic agreement was signed here yesterday. Russian quarters in Berlin also said they had no knowledge of any such agreement.

  NO COMMENT ON BESSARABIA

  German authorized quarters declined comment of any kind on reports that Germany had confronted Russia with positive demands. They said they had no knowledge of reports that Rumania, with German support, was demanding the return of Bessarabia from the Soviets.

  It is known that talks on the technicalities of carrying out existing German-Russian trade agreements, particularly in connection with deliveries by individual industries and firms, are being carried on here regularly by a permanent Soviet trade commission and German economic authorities. Russian sources said that these technical talks had not led to any new economic agreements.

  It was believed generally in political quarters that any new economic agreements that might be reached would be only a part of some new broad German-Soviet agreement.

  JUNE 22, 1941

  BIG ARMIES MASS ON ‘EASTERN FRONT’

  All Along Russian Frontiers Troop Movements Suggest Clash May Be Near

  By C. L. SULZBERGER

  Wireless to The New York Times.

  ANKARA, Turkey, June 21—The strange marriage of convenience between Soviet Russia and Nazi Germany, even if reaffirmed by some startling but now unforeseen development, seemed as close to the breaking point this week as at any time since it was cemented in August, 1939.

  Despite occasional pronouncements of Berlin and Moscow that all continued well between the partners, everything pointed to the contrary, and it was the general belief in diplomatic circles that either Russia would have to fork over a larger dowry or forfeit her rights to non-violence from the Reich.

  From Finland to Rumania a martial atmosphere prevailed on both sides of the frequently changed frontiers of these two revolutionary powers. Nazi troops shuttled back and forth on the Finnish railway system on the pretext of returning to East Prussia from Norway. However, it must have appeared strange to Moscow that more Germans were entering Finland than leaving.

  In Rumania, whence originated the most sensational rumors of impending Russo-German hostilities—obviously because of a devout national wish that war would break out and bring about a return of territories grabbed by the Soviet—mobilization was completed, and last-minute preparations were effected.

  HUGE ARMIES FACING

  Between these two extremes rested the largest army Germany had assembled on one front since the Battle of France, and it would be a safe assumption that it was not there merely to admire the scenery. Across the way was concentrated a vast Soviet force, which, according to Tass, Soviet news agency, was merely completing the usual manoeuvres, although when the Russians here were asked why it was necessary to exercise 155 divisions in one area the subject was nervously changed.

  It was clear that the recent Turkish-German friendship pact was connected with the diplomatic background of this situation. Stated in a broad fashion, it meant that Germany’s flank in the entire region from the Balkans across the Black Sea to the Caucasus was protected against British interference in case of a war with Russia, just as Britain’s position in Syria was safeguarded against German intervention through Turkey.

  This protection on the Black Sea was of extreme importance to the Reich in the event of action against Russia. The Nazis have concentrated large quantities of seagoing barges along the Lower Danube, which could be useful for an attack on the Crimea—one of the moves considered likely by strategists. Six German-controlled submarines are now operating in the Black Sea, and, while the Soviet has a considerable portion of its navy there, the Germans are confident this could be dealt with by the Luftwaffe. Since the Reich is not among the signatories of the Montreux Convention a demand might be made for free passage of Axis warships through the Dardanelles.

  UKRAINE AN OBJECTIVE

  The main German drive in case of war would probably be aimed at the heart of the Ukraine and would persevere eastward in an attempt to cut off the Caucasian oil resources of the Red Army, whose mechanical arms would be befuddled through the lack of fuel. It is then thought likely the Germans might seek to continue to the Iranian frontier and beyond as far as the Persian Gulf, thus outflanking the British position in the Middle East by a wide sweeping manoeuvre.

  For some time rumors have circulated setting the actual date for war’s outbreak. The denials from Moscow concerning such reports are becoming notably less sure themselves and less heated, and the Red Army organ, Red Star, has admitted that heavy artillery practice has been taking place in the Western Soviet and that debarkation manoeuvres have been tried at Odessa.

  German troops have been filing through Slovakia from the west, and that puppet State has itself mobilized ten classes. Sano Mach, the Minister of the Interior, announced at Bratislava that a “German liberation” of the Ukraine was imminent.

  JUNE 23, 1941

  HITLER SAYS ARMY HOLDS REICH’S FATE

  Order of Day Tells Troops of ‘Hard and Momentous’ Struggle Now Begun

  By Telephone to The New York Times.

  BERLIN, June 22—With the advance into Russia by the Reich’s armed forces at the sunrise hour today, the political, military and economic liaison between Berlin and Moscow came to a spectacular end.

  That liaison had sprung from considerations of war expediency less than two years ago, but, despite all outward appearances, it had impressed numerous neutral observers as a highly fragile alliance, despite the force of its impact on the international situation then existing.

  Among the official pronouncements droned out by the German broadcasts since early morning was the proclamation of Reichsfuehrer Adolf Hitler.

  “Weighted down with heavy cares, condemned to months-long silence, the hour has now come when at last I can speak frankly,” were Herr Hitler’s introductory words to his recital of what he termed “Russian treachery.”

  ORDER TO HIS ARMIES

  Considerations of a grave and fateful nature, he stated, made that silence imperative, as, he said, he had hoped against terrific odds that the tension obtaining between the two countries might yet find an amicable solution.

  The Commander in Chief’s order of the day to his soldiers was:

  “German soldiers! You are entering on a hard and momentous struggle. The fate of Europe, the future of the German Reich and the very existence of our German people now is committed into your hands. May Providence help us in this struggle.”

  German-Russian relations first came into the spotlight of critical scrutiny about six months ago, when it was asserted that the Soviets had assumed a lukewarm attitude toward further hard and fast collaboration with National Socialist Germany. It is stated in neutral diplomatic quarters that Germany, Italy and Japan, for the last six months, have individually sought, through diplomatic pressure, to win over Soviet Russia to an unequivocal adhesion to the Tripartite Pact
and all that it implies.

  The visit of the Japanese Foreign Minister, Yosuke Matsuoka, to Moscow a few months ago was held to give some assurance that Moscow was in accord with such a union, but today’s statement by Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop would seem intended to suggest that the visit of the Soviet Foreign Commissar, Vyacheslaff Molotoff, to Berlin last November had already given rise to suspicions that the Soviet Union was not yet appeased. It is asserted that, if the Reich willingly paid the price demanded by Moscow, it was only because of pressing military and economic considerations.

  LONG A FORBIDDEN TOPIC

  For the last three months Russo-German relations have become the “great taboo” for foreign correspondents. Mention of them, no matter how skillfully veiled, was the first item on the prohibitory news index, and up until today these relations were only privately discussed in hushed whispers and out of general earshot.

  DIPLOMATS HEAR NEWS

  Foreign correspondents were summoned to the Foreign Office press conference at 7 o’clock this morning. Herr von Ribbentrop and his personal staff appeared soon after that hour, and the German Foreign Minister then began his recital of the events that led to the scrapping of the Russo-German pact.

  Previously, Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels had broadcast Herr Hitler’s proclamation to the German people.

  Berlin’s streets were completely deserted at the hour when the German people were apprised of the shift of scene in the theatre of war. The windows of the Soviet Embassy on Unter den Linden were still curtained, and it could not be learned whether Ambassador V. G. Dekanozoff and his personal staff had already entrained for Moscow.

  JUNE 23, 1941

  Prime Minister Churchill’s Broadcast on New War

  The following is the text of Prime Minister Winston Churchill’s address, broadcast yesterday from London, as transcribed by The New York Times:

  I have taken occasion to speak to you tonight because we have reached one of the climacterics of the war. In the first of these intense turning points, a year ago, France fell prostrate under the German hammer and we had to face the storm alone.

  The second was when the Royal Air Force beat the Hun raiders out of the daylight air and thus warded off the Nazi invasion of our islands while we were still ill-armed and ill-prepared.

  The third turning point was when the President and Congress of the United States passed the lease and lend enactment, devoting nearly 2,000,000,000 sterling of the wealth of the New World to help us defend our liberties and their own.

  Those were the three climacterics.

  The fourth is now upon us.

  At 4 o’clock this morning Hitler attacked and invaded Russia. All his usual formalities of perfidy were observed with scrupulous technique. A nonaggression treaty had been solemnly signed and was in force between the two countries. No complaint had been made by Germany of its non-fulfillment. Under its cloak of false confidence the German armies drew up in immense strength along a line which stretched from the White Sea to the Black Sea and their air fleets and armored divisions slowly and methodically took up their stations.

  STALIN HAD WARNING

  Then, suddenly, without declaration of war, without even an ultimatum, the German bombs rained down from the sky upon the Russian cities; the German troops violated the Russian frontiers and an hour later the German Ambassador, who till the night before was lavishing his assurances of friendship, almost of alliance, upon the Russians, called upon the Russian Foreign Minister to tell him that a state of war existed between Germany and Russia.

  Thus was repeated on a far larger scale the same kind of outrage against every form of signed compact and international faith which we have witnessed in Norway, in Denmark, in Holland, in Belgium and which Hitler’s accomplice and jackal, Mussolini, so faithfully imitated in the case of Greece.

  All this was no surprise to me. In fact I gave clear and precise warnings to Stalin of what was coming. I gave him warnings as I have given warnings to others before. I can only hope that these warnings did not fall unheeded.

  All we know at present is that the Russian people are defending their native soil and that their leaders have called upon them to resist to the utmost.

  Hitler is a monster of wickedness, insatiable in his lust for blood and plunder. Not content with having all Europe under his heel or else terrorized into various forms of abject submission, he must now carry his work of butchery and desolation among the vast multitudes of Russia and of Asia. The terrible military machine which we and the rest of the civilized world so foolishly, so supinely, so insensately allowed the Nazi gangsters to build up year by year from almost nothing; this machine cannot stand idle, lest it rust or fall to pieces. It must be in continual motion, grinding up human lives and trampling down the homes and the rights of hundreds of millions of men.

  THIS BLOODTHIRSTY GUTTERSNIPE

  Moreover, it must be fed not only with flesh but with oil. So now this blood-thirsty guttersnipe must launch his mechanized armies upon new fields of slaughter, pillage and devastation. Poor as are the Russian peasants, workmen and soldiers, he must steal from them their daily bread. He must rob them of the oil which drives their plows and thus produce a famine without example in human history.

  And even the carnage and ruin which his victory, should he gain it—though he’s not gained it yet—will bring upon the Russian people, will itself be only a stepping stone to the attempt to plunge the four or five hundred millions who live in China and the 350,000,000 who live in India into that bottomless pit of human degradation over which the diabolic emblem of the swastika flaunts itself.

  It is not too much to say here this pleasant Summer evening that the lives and happiness of a thousand million additional human beings are now menaced with brutal Nazi violence. That is enough to make us hold our breath.

  But presently I shall show you something else that lies behind and something that touches very nearly the life of Britain and of the United States.

  The Nazi regime is indistinguishable from the worst features of Communism. It is devoid of all theme and principle except appetite and racial domination. It excels in all forms of human wickedness, in the efficiency of its cruelty and ferocious aggression. No one has been a more consistent opponent of Communism than I have for the last twenty-five years. I will unsay no words that I’ve spoken about it. But all this fades away before the spectacle which is now unfolding.

  The past, with its crimes, its follies and its tragedies, flashes away. I see the Russian soldiers standing on the threshold of their native land, guarding the fields which their fathers have tilled from time immemorial. I see them guarding their homes, their mothers and wives pray, ah, yes, for there are times when all pray for the safety of their loved ones, for the return of the breadwinner, of the champion, of their protectors.

  NAZI ‘CATARACT OF HORRORS’

  I see the 10,000 villages of Russia, where the means of existence was wrung so hardly from the soil, but where there are still primordial human joys, where maidens laugh and children play. I see advancing upon all this, in hideous onslaught, the Nazi war machine, with its clanking, heel-clicking, dandified Prussian officers, its crafty expert agents, fresh from the cowing and tying down of a dozen countries. I see also the dull, drilled, docile, brutish masses of the Hun soldiery, plodding on like a swarm of crawling locusts. I see the German bombers and fighters in the sky, still smarting from many a British whipping, so delightful to find what they believe is an easier and a safer prey. And behind all this glare, behind all this storm, I see that small group of villainous men who planned, organized and launched this cataract of horrors upon mankind.

  And then my mind goes back across the years to the days when the Russian armies were our Allies against the same deadly foe, when they fought with so much valor and constancy and helped to gain a victory, from all share in which, alas, they were, through no fault of ours, utterly cut off.

  I have lived through all this and you will pardon me if I e
xpress my feelings and the stir of old memories. But now I have to declare the decision of His Majesty’s Government, and I feel sure it is a decision in which the great Dominions will, in due course, concur. And that we must speak of now, at once, without a day’s delay. I have to make that declaration but, can you doubt what our policy will be?

  We have but one aim and one single irrevocable purpose. We are resolved to destroy Hitler and every vestige of the Nazi regime. From this nothing will turn us. Nothing. We will never parley; we will never negotiate with Hitler or any of his gang. We shall fight him by land; we shall fight him by sea; we shall fight him in the air, until, with God’s help we have rid the earth of his shadow and liberated its people from his yoke.

  WILL ASSIST RUSSIANS

  Any man or State who fights against Nazism will have our aid. Any man or State who marches with Hitler is our foe. This applies not only to organized States but to all representatives of that vile race of Quislings who make themselves the tools and agents of the Nazi regime against their fellow countrymen and against the lands of their births. These Quislings, like the Nazi leaders themselves, if not disposed of by their fellow-countrymen, which would save trouble, will be delivered by us on the morrow of victory to the justice of the Allied tribunals. That is our policy and that is our declaration.

  It follows, therefore, that we shall give whatever help we can to Russia and to the Russian people. We shall appeal to all our friends and Allies in every part of the world to take the same course and pursue it as we shall, faithfully and steadfastly to the end.