The New York Times Book of World War II, 1939-1945

by The New York Times

  MANY ATTACKS REPULSED

  One Russian unit defending direct approaches to Stalingrad repulsed several tank attacks Wednesday, in each of which the Germans used about forty machines, with powerful infantry and artillery support. A series of violent attacks failed to dislodge the defense and twenty-six tanks were destroyed and three battalions of infantry are believed to have perished in the anti-tank zone before the Russian positions.

  Key Soviet City’s Defenders Hold Firm: Northwest of Stalingrad (1) the Russians repulsed all attacks and launched powerful counter-blows; southwest of the city, too, they reported, they stopped the German advance and inflicted huge losses. In the Caucasus, however, the Nazis fought their way across a river in the Mozdok area (2) and dislodged the Soviet forces from a height northwest of Novorossiisk (3). The German High Command announced that other Axis troops had crossed Kerch Strait, were fighting on the Taman Peninsula (4) and had made contact with Rumanians advancing from the east.

  Abandoning their frontal assault, the Germans wheeled to the northwest with a great force of tanks and motor-borne infantry, broke through to a railway, cut a highway, advanced north, then swung sharply eastward. On this new battle-field Soviet heavy mortars were awaiting the Germans and twenty-five of their tanks were burned out in a barrage. As the German attack faltered, Soviet tanks drove the remaining enemy machines from the field and suppressed their accompanying guns and mortars.

  Northwest of Stalingrad, after having been checked for several days, the Germans resumed their advance in isolated sectors Thursday. Farther west six German attacks were reported repulsed on Wednesday, when the Germans were driven from a tactically important height. In another sector the Russians, forced to retreat, restored the situation by counter-attacking. The chief threat still comes from the south.

  Reports show that when advance forces of the twenty-five divisions used by Marshal von Bock in the Don bend crossed the river west of Stalingrad they advanced northeastward before wheeling to attack the city from the northwest. This move apparently was designed to seize a long stretch of the Don and perhaps trap Russian forces still west of the river before advancing on Stalingrad.

  At Voronezh the Germans made the mistake of holding only short stretches of the river, across which the counterattacking Russians were able to move and attack enemy bridgeheads from the rear. Marshal von Bock, on the other hand, prudently consolidated a long river-line belt and thus was able to transport a great number of tanks across.

  The German Air Force is playing a more important part in the Stalingrad battle than at any other time on the Eastern Front. Red Star estimates that about 1,000 planes are operating against the city and its defenses. They are being used in three principal ways—to blockade Russian airfields, bomb outlying communications and give close support to the field forces.

  SEPTEMBER 6, 1942

  PLAN OF SECOND FRONT UNDER CAREFUL STUDY

  United States and British Military And Air Chiefs Busy on the Manifold Problems of an Invasion

  By EDWIN L. JAMES

  Public clamor about a second front seems to have died down a bit, which is all to the good in that it leaves the military experts a better opportunity to make their plans, free from political pressure. Especially noticeable is Moscow’s silence on the subject for the past two weeks. Of course that does not mean that Russia still does not hope for a second front on the Continent to relieve German pressure on Stalin’s army. But it may mean that the disadvantages of propaganda on the subject have been brought home to Moscow. It is noted that the lessening of the Red cry for a second front, somehow or other, coincided somewhat with the visit of Prime Minister Churchill to the Red Capital.

  Now it stands to reason that the raid on Dieppe was not made for fun. It also stands to reason that increasing thousands of United States and Canadian troops are not being sent to England just to make the trip. In other words, it may be taken for granted that plans for military action against Germany are under way and are being studied from every useful point of view. The lessening of public demands that the second front be launched this week or next month leaves the military experts in a much better atmosphere to make their plans. And many plans need to be made.

  THE EXPERTS ARE AT WORK

  There is no good reason to believe that President Roosevelt or Prime Minister Churchill is bringing pressure to bear on their generals of a nature to warp expert opinion. There is every reason to believe they are doing nothing of the sort. Both leaders have made it plain that they favor a second front. They have said so publicly. But neither of them wishes a second front unless it is a success. For that reason they are undoubtedly giving their military men time to work it out.

  Many minds bring many plans, and so it is not surprising that the United States and British generals have plans which need adjustment and accommodation. Each party to the undertaking is to make its contribution. Both British and Americans are to contribute land and air power. By the nature of things one must look to the British for a major part of the shipping needed for operations between England and the Continent. On the other hand, for the supplies for an invasion of the Continent the United States would be expected to furnish a large part of these.

  There is nothing strange about it taking time to work out the enormous problems involved. One hears from London and other quarters that a really serious second front is not expected before next Spring. Such a conclusion might readily be assumed from the complexity and number of the plans to be made. However, that conclusion is by no means a sure one. There may be more than one invasion point and there may be different times fixed for each.

  MANY PLANS UNDER STUDY

  A review of news dispatches passed by censors and published reveals the number of suggestions which have been brought forward. There has been talk of an invasion of Norway, one has heard of plans for using the shortest water route to the French coast opposite the south coast of England, one has heard of the advantages offered by the Finisterre Peninsula. It has been argued that the coast around Bordeaux is not so strongly held by the Germans as the coastline farther north. There has been talk of a project for the invasion of the Continent through Spain. The Germans have informed us that the United States has plans for landing on the Atlantic Coast of French North Africa. It may be guessed that fully a dozen or more, plans have been brought forward for consideration.

  Since both President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill approve the principle of a second front, it may be surmised that they are waiting for their experts to agree on a plan. No layman would wish to hazard a guess as to what they will agree upon. When the experts have decided upon the best technical plans and the probabilities of success or failure, it will then be the role of the two leaders to consider the political aspects of the situation, for they are very real.

  It is perfectly plain that any large landing of United Nations troops anywhere in Western Europe will draw German attention and thus perhaps help relieve pressure on Russia. From that viewpoint there would always be a gain for Russia in any attempted second-front project, whether it succeeded or not.

  WANT SUCCESS ASSURED

  But surely the President and the Prime Minister will have in their minds the dire results of failure to such an extent that they will wish every possible assurance of success. Each of them has shown the importance he attaches to the resentment of millions of Europeans in conquered countries toward the German invaders. They know that there are millions of Europeans waiting for a chance to help beat the Germans. They know that and attach great importance to that factor. By the same token they have a full realization of the unhappy results of an invasion of the Continent which would not succeed.

  SEPTEMBER 10, 1942

  MOSCOW IS BITTER; SEES ALLIED DELAY

  Views Churchill’s Speech as Indicating Little Prospect of Early Second Front

  By The United Press.

  MOSCOW, Sept. 9—British Prime Minister Winston Churchill’s statement in Parliament indicating a disagreement between himsel
f and Premier Joseph Stalin during their conversations here was published in Moscow newspapers without comment today, but it strengthened the Russian belief—correctly or incorrectly—that there was little prospect of an early second front.

  Consequently there appeared to be an intensified bitterness among those Russian leaders who believe the Soviet Union is not being treated as a full-fledged Ally in the grand strategy of the British and Americans.

  This feeling was strengthened by the fact that the Russians presumably were not invited, or at any rate did not attend, the Allied conferences in London at which Britain and the United States “reached complete agreement on all fields of military operations.” The belief is strong that the Allies are not taking Russia’s necessities into proper consideration.

  The published summary of Mr. Churchill’s address omitted some portions of the Prime Minister’s speech but included those in which Mr. Churchill noted differences of opinion between the British and the Russians. The summary omitted Mr. Churchill’s disclosure that he found difficulty in getting the Russians to understand the nature of the war at sea. It also omitted Mr. Churchill’s personal appreciation of Mr. Stalin’s character.

  The Soviet Government had never previously gone beyond the formal communiqués to tell the public what happened at the Churchill-Stalin meetings. However, informed persons here were well aware that a sharp divergence of views over the war arose in the course of the discussions. Aside from this small group of persons, the Russian populace as a whole assumed that the results of the conference were far from satisfactory but still hoped vaguely that the much-desired second front would be opened.

  Mr. Churchill’s announcement that Britain and the United States reached a complete agreement in all fields of military operation in London in July was the first inkling to Russians outside of the government that such an accord had been achieved. There was also a feeling here that Britain and the United States were making their war plans without taking the necessities of Russia’s situation into consideration and there was a suspicion here that Russian resistance only played a part in the Allied grand strategy.

  Nazi tanks and soldiers attacking a Moscow sector, 1942.

  SEPTEMBER 13, 1942

  INDIA IS PULLED THREE WAYS

  No Middle Ground Appears in the Dispute Which Is Vital to United Nations

  By HERBERT L. MATTHEWS

  Wireless to The New York Times.

  NEW DELHI, India, Sept. 12—The first impression of anyone arriving fresh in India with an honest desire to find out what it’s all about is sheer, overwhelming bewilderment. It is not so much the magnitude of the problems involved as the absence of a middle ground upon which one can take one’s stand and calmly survey the countryside.

  It is customary for foreigners to come here and discover that India is not a country, that it is a continent and that it has got ever so many races, religions and languages, and that one might as well write about Europe as one nation. Actually that is a superficial difficulty which can be overcome with enough time, patience and energy.

  CONFUSION OF VIEW

  The real trouble is the all too human one of different people looking at the same things and drawing opposite conclusions. It is a case of distrust and misunderstanding, of sordid interests being rationalized into pious convictions, of struggles for political power and patronage being disguised as patriotism. Shot through it all is a lot of honesty, sincerity, courage and patience under desperately trying conditions. What is most lacking is the spirit of compromise and good-will.

  It would certainly simplify matters if one could take a particular point of view and interpret everything in India along that line. That is what a British official would do, or a follower of the Indian Congress, or a Moslem Leaguer. To them it is all as clear as crystal—granting their premises.

  The British say: “We came here at a period when conquest was the natural order of things. We put our genius, our soldiery, our commercial and administrative experience to the service of India and Britain. We brought peace and the benefits of Western civilization to India, and it is we who taught the Indians what democracy and freedom mean. We are willing to go now, and we have promised to do so, but first we have got to win this war, and be assured that our vast interests are protected, and that India herself will not be torn by internal strife.”

  THE CONGRESS VIEW

  Congress followers say: “The British are conquerors, usurpers, tyrants. They have exploited India for their own selfish ends and deliberately kept the people in ignorance and poverty. India is a potentially rich country and yet her masses are just about the wretchedest in the world because the British will not let us develop our own industries or intensify our agriculture. The world has gone beyond the age of imperialism, as your Sumner Welles has said, and each nation has the right to independence and self-government. Let the British stay here to win this war. If they give us our own civil government we will help them win the war. But why should we fight for one tyrant against another?”

  The Moslem Leaguer is not so sure of that. He too says “We want the British to go,” but he adds that he sees little advantage in exchanging the British Raj for the Hindu Raj. “Your two years and seven months rule in the Provinces,” he tells the followers of Congress, “has taught us that you intend to keep us in subjection. Therefore, the only solution is for you to give us the same self-determination that you are demanding, and permit us to set up our own nation of Pakistan. Then Hindus and Moslems will live side by side in complete understanding and friendliness, and we will get rid of the British quickly.”

  CONTRARY APPEALS

  It will be noted that the Britisher addresses himself to the world, the Congress follower to the British and the Moslem Leaguer to the Congress follower, and nothing seems so beyond the realm of possibility now than that the three should get together and talk to one another. The Britisher is determined that he will pacify India by force and carry on as he always did. The Congress follower is determined on what Gandhi has called “open rebellion” to drive out the British. The Moslem Leaguer sits on the sidelines and tells his fellow-Indians, “If you want my help, give me Pakistan first.”

  Those are the main points of view in India and as things are going on now they are irreconcilable. True, complications of the situation lie in such questions as why a handful of British can dominate India, why so many Indians distrust the British, why Hindus and Moslems cannot solve the communal problem. There is much that cannot be settled by logic and reason, much that is emotional, many problems that will work hardship to one side or the other, whatever the solution may be.

  The more one studies it the more confused and hopeless the situation seems to get, yet if there is one sure thing about it all it is that, willy-nilly, some solution has got to be found. In the long run there is no question that the British must lose in the sense that they can win this particular battle and they are putting everything they have into it.

  SEPTEMBER 14, 1942

  Editorial

  STALINGRAD

  Whether Stalingrad stands or falls, its desperate defense must have a profound effect on the development of the war. If the Russians accomplish a miracle and hold out, the event could mark the turning of the tide not only in Russia but all over the world. If the city falls, the war will certainly be prolonged, though the cost of a delayed victory will be felt by Germany in all her future campaigns. She cannot revive the heaps of dead sacrifices in the gigantic assault or restore the vital weeks lost on the Volga.

  The defense of Stalingrad has been compared to that of Verdun in the World War. The city itself is not a natural stronghold, as Verdun was, but control of the banks of the Volga is as important to Russia as domination of the Meuse heights was to France. In February, 1916, the Germans launched their attack on Verdun and maintained a relentless pressure for four months. They battered their way to within three miles of Verdun before the campaign collapsed. On this battlefield the Crown Prince used up forty-three divisions of elite troops
, and the German army never quite recovered. But it was not alone the stubborn defense of Verdun which saved the city. The Germans were compelled to meet almost simultaneous counter-offensives by Earl Haig on the Somme and by General Brusilov in Russia. No comparable relief seems in sight for Stalingrad, with the Nazis even now in its southern suburbs.

  The fall of Stalingrad would be a disaster not only for Russia but for all the United Nations. Whatever cripples the Russian giant cripples us. In the words of the Soviet army newspaper, Red Star, “Stalingrad is Grozny, Baku and Transcaucasia.” This means that its loss would cost Russia her main oil supply and all the riches that lie between the Caspian and Black Seas. It would dislocate the Russian armies, reduce their striking power and permit Hitler to face the West again. It may bring Japan into Siberia. It might result in the conquest of Egypt. Yet for Hitler even such a victory would not be decisive. Russia will fight on. The cruel Russian Winter is approaching. Hitler can hardly launch another major offensive there this year. But if the Russians fail now on the Volga, next year’s burden on Britain and the United States will be immeasurably increased.

  SEPTEMBER 18, 1942

  IT’S NEVER DULL ON GUADALCANAL

  Snipers, Air Attacks, Shelling from Sea, Mud, Mosquitos All in a Marine’s Day

  By F. TILLMAN DURDIN

  Special to The New York Times.